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1

Pęknięta przestrzeń polskiej wspólnoty samorządowej

100%

Kwiatkowski A.

Studia Administracyjne

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2012

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issue 4

137-159

PL

We współczesnym państwie demokratycznym człowiek domaga się zwiększenia praw (nazywanych socjalnymi), gwarantujących bezpieczną przyszłość, ochronę socjalną na wypadek bezrobocia, utraty zdrowia czy też związanych z innymi nieprzewidzianymi okolicznościami, skutkującymi niekorzystnymi konsekwencjami. Domaga się także poszerzenia praw politycznych, czyli tych, które w ścisłym tego słowa znaczeniu wpływają na istotę wolności jego i innych osób, a w konsekwencji – na kształt, zasięg i wartość procedur demokratycznych, konkretyzowanych w wymiarze lokalnym (np. gmina) czy generalnym (np. w skali całego państwa). Określają one ten specjalny status prawny jednostki, który dotyczy wpływu obywateli na decyzje, podejmowane w sferze publicznej, określa ich aktywność w życiu społecznym, uczestnictwo w różnego typu organizacjach

EN

During the times of the Polish Third Republic, the local discussions on the model of local government focused, amongst other things, on the issue of the essence of decision-making, the supervisory power and the executive power. The third level created in this manner was in the form of districts, which took over a lot of tasks and competences which used to be the responsibilities of communal national councils. However, such districts operating in a system of homogenous government administration, primarily represented the government’s interests. The marginalization of the democratic order by „elitarization” and oligarchization of the representatives of local government bodies and officials, became an equally disturbing phenomenon. In consequence, it still happens that positions are treated as spoils after a victorious election, thus becoming a reflection of family, social or purely business connections, and local government elites resent all institutional changes aimed at increasing citizens’ participation in political life for fear of social supervision of their actions. In a consumer society (dominated by individuals and minority groups forming privileged interest groups), communities have become wishful thinking and the average inhabitant of an urban or rural area does not have influence on the actions and decisions of the local government administration. It becomes the object and not the subject of power impact. In this situation, it seems necessary to look for new legal solutions aimed at changing the form of the participation of inhabitants in planning and implementing tasks, among other things, by implementing, for example: social consultations, citizen hearing, questions and citizen legislative initiative.

2

Ocena Okrągłego Stołu w III Rzeczypospolitej – ciągłość i zmiana

75%

Trembicka K.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica

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2015

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issue 14

86-98

EN

The assessment of the Round Table was extraordinarily stable. The political environments accepting the Polish Third Republic, taking part in ruling the country, are generally positive about the talks between the government of the Polish Third Republic and the opposition. In 2014, even the representatives of “Prawo i Sprawiedliwość” (Law and Justice) party maintained the opinion from the previous years, formulated by Jarosław Kaczyński and Lech Kaczyński, that the Round Table, as a tactical action, was a necessary undertaking at that time in history. The negative assessment of the event were characteristic of non-parliament parties and ones with small social support. The following anniversaries of the start of the debate were a good opportunity to mark one’s difference from the establishment by negation. Change of the assessment was a result of the evolution of the situation in Poland. Hard political fight in the Polish Third Republic caused a change of positions e.g. with regard to former political opponents or even enemies. The verbal change of position of W. Frasyniuk towards gen. Jaruzelski can only be explained with the attack of the Jarosław Kaczyński establishment on the politicians of the Democratic Union and Freedom Union. The environments reluctant to PiS for the same reasons forgot that the government led by Tadeusz Mazowiecki could only take place because of the activity of Jarosław Kaczyński. Many of the evaluations, both on the side of the Round Table architects and its opponents had no connection to the subject of the proceedings.

3

Janusza Korwin-Mikkego ocena elit politycznych III RP

75%

Rybak M.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica

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2015

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issue 14

124-128

EN

The article presents the results of the study on the statements of Janusz Korwin-Mikke on the Polish political elite in the first 25 years of the Polish Third Republic. Aside from the synthesized material on the elite assessment itself, the criteria used by the author and key features of his character, as well as fragments of his life, which shaped and crystallized his views have been presented. Both these factors had major influence on the style and content of the publications of Janusz Korwin-Mikke. The article also presents a short description of the language used by Janusz Korwin-Mikke. There is also a presentation of the conclusions drawn by him on the possible improvement of the condition of Polish political elites and suggested actions to be taken in order to repair them.

4

Ocena III Rzeczypospolitej – płaszczyzna polaryzacji współczesnej polskiej sceny politycznej

63%

Sanecka-Tyczyńska J.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica

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2015

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issue 14

99-114

EN

The assessment of the Polish Third Republic was undoubtedly an important plane of polarisation of the contemporary Polish political scene. After the post-communist division, in which a key role was played by the assessment of the PPR, there was a post-Solidarity division, and the dispute axis was found in the assessment of the regime and economic transformation and the state of the nation under the rule of the Democratic Left Alliance. Lack of decommunisation and only partial inspection was for many right-sided groups an evidence of the superficiality of the system transformation and an explanation of many of its imperfections. The political polarisation was further exacerbated after the Smoleńsk catastrophe of 10 April 2010. Next to the strongly emotional questions of the causes of the event, there was an increase of the number of discussions on the functioning and state of the country. The diagnosis of the political, economic and social reality of the Polish Third Republic became one of the main programme factors of the political parties before the 2005 elections. The Law and Justice party had come up with one of the most critical assessments of the Polish Third Republic. The political programme based on negating the large part of the achievements of the Polish Third Republic was the main reason of their victory in the elections. The opinion of the Polish Third Republic also divided a large part of the society. Without a critical judgement of the reality of the 2005 there would be no victory of the Law and Justice and Civic Platform – the parties that declare breaking up with the pathologies of the Polish country.

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3 Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica

1 Studia Administracyjne

3 2015

1 2012

1 Kwiatkowski A.

1 Rybak M.

1 Sanecka-Tyczyńska J.

1 Trembicka K.

Pęknięta przestrzeń polskiej wspólnoty samorządowej

Ocena Okrągłego Stołu w III Rzeczypospolitej – ciągłość i zmiana

Janusza Korwin-Mikkego ocena elit politycznych III RP

Ocena III Rzeczypospolitej – płaszczyzna polaryzacji współczesnej polskiej sceny politycznej