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1
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Przestrzenne zróżnicowanie wyników wyborów do Sejmu z 1957 roku

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Kowalski M., Instytut Geografii i Przestrzennego Zagospodarowania PAN W.
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Geographica Socio-Oeconomica
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2015
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issue 21
PL
Z wyborów organizowanych w czasach PRL na uwagę zasługują przede wszystkim te z 1957 roku. Przeprowadzono je w okresie popaździernikowej odwilży, a władze nie miały specjalnych powodów, by je fałszować. Liberalna atmosfera sprzyjała wyborczej konkurencji, a oficjalne wyniki wyborów uwidoczniły znaczące zróżnicowanie polskiego społeczeństwa w ujęciu przestrzennym.
EN
When comparing the spatial differentiation of results of elections from the inter-war period (1918–1939) and the post-communist period (1989–2015), one sees a very clear similarity between the two (Kowalski, 2014). In the north-western part of the country the electoral preferences are with the left or the liberals, while in the south-eastern part – with the right. Given the persistence of this spatial setting, a supposition arises that the spatial differentiation of the political attitudes existed also during the times of the socialist People’s Poland. Lack of political freedom and electoral falsifications, performed by the communists, make the verification of this proposition quite difficult. Of the elections, organised in the socialist period, it is the ones, carried out in 1957, that deserve consideration, first of all. These elections were carried out in the short period of liberalisation after 1956, in conditions of an enthusiastic support for the new governing administration. The organisers of the elections could be fairly certain as to the outcome. That is why, side by side with the candidates, who were closely connected with the ruling establishment, also more independent persons, frequently enjoying high popularity in the society, were allowed to stand as candidates in these elections. In order to guarantee the victorious outcome, the authorities allowed for the formation of just a single list of candidates. The authorities lanced the appeal to vote for the candidates from the first places on the list, since it was on these places that the persons most convenient from the point of view of the establishment were listed. The few independent candidates were located at far-off positions. There was also an appeal for the possibly highest turnout at the elections, since this would constitute a signal of support for the new administration. These appeals were also shared by the Catholic Church in Poland. Despite the limitations and constraints mentioned, the relatively liberal atmosphere was conducive to the electoral competition within the framework of the candidate lists approved. This was yet enhanced by the fact that candidates represented, formally at least, various political organisms (communists, peasant activists, democratic party, non-aligned candidates) and communities, and, as indicated, the lists also included, even though on far-off places, persons of independent orientations. In addition, the liberal atmosphere and the conviction of the ruling group that they must win, limited, it appears, the electoral falsifications to the minimum. Owing to the advantageous social atmosphere and the appropriate construction of the lists of candidates, the communists could not lose these elections. Yet, in spite of this, the official results of the elections made visible the significant differentiation of the Polish society, both in global terms, and in space. The latter aspect represented a clear similarity to the spatial differentiation of the results of elections, taking place in other time periods, both the earlier ones (the interwar period) and those carried out later (after 1989).
2
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Komitet Miejski Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej w Toruniu wobec najważniejszych wydarzeń w 1956 roku

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Michalski K.
Rocznik Toruński
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2012
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issue 39
43-73
EN
The year 1956 was an eventful time that saw new changes in the countries of the Eastern Block; and among others it influenced the functioning of the City Committee of the Polish United Workers Party in Toruń. In Poland due to the Convention of the USSR’s Communist Party (14 –15.02.1956) and the death of Bolesław Bierut (12.03.1956), there was a visible split in the highest echelons of the Polish United Workers Party. It also resulted from the declassifying of Khrushchev’s secret speech. All that contributed to the slackness in discipline in the City Committee of the Polish United Workers Party in Toruń. On the rising tide of social critique of the political and the economic system, the great demonstration in Poznań (28.06.1956) was staged. The demonstration turned into a regular fight between the demonstrators and the soldiers and policemen. All the above mentioned events met with a big response in the society of Toruń and contributed to the radicalization of political attitudes among youth 72 and students. Moreover, they revealed that people had no confidence in the City Committee of the Polish United Workers Party in Toruń and its publications. The Eight Plenum of Central Committee of the Polish United Workers Party was appointed on 19.10.1956, yet on the 18th//19th of October the Russian troops, which were based in Poland, began their march on Warsaw. The crisis was resolved by the election of a new chairman of the Polish United Workers Party, Władysław Gomułka. It raised Poles hope for the liberalization of the political system. It also resulted in changes within the party structures in Toruń; on the 31st of October new local authorities were elected. The events of the year 1956 revealed the oldes of problems that the City Committee of the Polish United Workers Party in Toruń had to face with. They also resulted in the decreasing numbers of the Party’s members and the demise of the Union of Polish Youth. Yet the Poles’ hopes were shattered just after the suppression of the uprising in Hungary by Russian military. Furthermore, in the next few years the liberalization in Poland was stopped.
DE
In den Ostblockstaaten war das Jahr 1956 reich an Ereignissen und Waldlungen, welche auch einen Einfluss auf die Situation des Thorner Stadtkomitees der Polnischen Vereingten Arbeiterpartei ausgeübt haben. Als Folge des XX. Kongresses der Kommunistischen Partei der UdSSR in Moskau (14 –15 02. 1956) entstand eine tiefe Spaltung in den höhsten Gremien der Polnischen Vereinigten Arbeiterpartei. In diesem Zusammenhang, besonders aber unter dem Eindruck der Veröffentlichung der Geheimrede Chrustschows, wurde die Geschlossenheit in der personellen Besetzung des Thorner Stadtkomitees zerrüttet. Unter dem Einfluss der immer höher schlagenden Wellen der gesellschaftlichen Kritik des politischen und wirtschaftlichen Systems, ist es am 28. 06. 1956 zu der grossen Manifestation der Arbeiter in Posen gekommen, die sich in einen regulären Kampf der Demonstranten mit Abteilungen der Miliz und des Militärs umgewandelt hat. Diese Ereignisse erweckten eine starke Resonanz bei den Bewohnern der Stadt Thorn und haben zu einer Radikalisierung des jugendlichen Milieus, vor allem der Studentenkreise beigetragen. Sie haben auch das Vertrauen zum Stadtkomitee der Polnischen Vereinigten Arbeiterpartei und zu dessen Presseorganen untergraben. Die VIII. Plenarsitzung des ZK der 73 Polnischen Vereinigten Arbeiterpartei, auf der man eine neue Parteileitung wählen sollte, wurde auf den 19. Oktober einberufen. Doch in der Nacht vom 18. auf den 19. Oktober wurden die in Polen stationierten sowjetische Truppen Richtung Warschau in Marsch gesetzt. Die dadurch entstandene Krise wurde Dank der Wahl des Władysław Gomułka zum neuen Vorsitzenden des ZK der Polnischen Vereinigten Arbeiterpartei wirksam gebannt. Diese Ereignisse, besonders die Wahl Gomułkas, der das Vertrauen der Gesellschaft genoß, eweckte Hoffnung auf eine Liberalisierung des herrschenden Systems. Die Wahl des neuen Vorsitzenden des ZK, hat Umgestaltungen der personellen Zusammensetzung der örtlichen Parteistrukturen nach sich gezogen. Denn die Ereignisse des Jahres 1956 haben viele, die Tätigkeit der örtlichen Parteileitung betreffenden Probleme ins Licht gerückt. Das wirkte sich ebenfalls auf einen enormen Schwund der Zahl der Mitglieder aus, und hat auch die Auflösung der Partei unterordneter Jugendorganisation (ZMP) zur Folge gahabt. Die aufkeimenden Hoffnungen wurden leider schon 1956, nach der Zeschlagung des ungarischen Aufstades durch die sowjetische Armee, ausgelöscht und die schon eingeleitete Liberalisierung des Systems in den folgenden Jahren abgebremst.
3
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Partii portret nieoczywisty: filmowe opowieści o Lechosławie Goździku, Leonardzie Borkowiczu i Toni Lechtman

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Zwierzchowski P.
Res Historica
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2021
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issue 51
EN
The film representations of the Polish United Workers’ Party are most often inserted in the dichotomous world of values, with explicitly assigned assessments. This article is concerned with the films reflecting in a more complex way on the Party members’ fates, perceiving individual biographies, being open to various interpretations of the past and able to separate the assessment of the system and the activities of particular persons. When analyzing the film images of Lechosław Goździk, Leonard Borkowicz, and Tonia Lechtman: Metryka Goździka (Goździk’s certificate, 2002) by Joanna Tryniszewska-Obłoj and Joanna Pieciukiewicz, Tonia i jej dzieci (Tonia and her children, 2011) by Marcel Łoziński, and Bezsenność (Insomnia, 2012) by Andrzej Titkow, as well as 45–89 (1990) by Łoziński, I tried to reconstruct both the image of the heroes they contain and the form of filmic expression. The authors answer the questions about events and attitudes, but they do not strive for the precision of academic history. They take into account historical and political circumstances, however, they concentrate on individual experience and memory. The films rehabilitate neither the communist system nor the Polish United Workers’ Party. Yet, they allow us to see the examples of their internal complexity as well as some ways to talk about them.
PL
Filmowe reprezentacje PZPR są najczęściej wpisane w dychotomiczny świat wartości, z jednoznacznie przypisanymi ocenami. W niniejszym artykule skupiam się na filmach zawierających bardziej skomplikowane rozważania na temat losów członków partii, dostrzegających jednostkowe biografie, otwartych na różne interpretacje przeszłości, potrafiących rozgraniczyć ocenę systemu i działań poszczególnych osób. Analizując filmowe portrety Lechosława Goździka, Leonarda Borkowicza i Toni Lechtman: Metrykę Goździka (2002) Joanny Tryniszewskiej-Obłoj i Joanny Pieciukiewicz, Tonię i jej dzieci (2011) Marcela Łozińskiego i Bezsenność (2012) Andrzeja Titkowa, jak również 45–89 (1990) Łozińskiego, staram się zrekonstruować zarówno zawarty w nich obraz bohaterów, jak i formę filmowej wypowiedzi. Twórcy odpowiadają na pytania o wydarzenia i postawy, nie dążą wszakże do precyzji akademickiej historii. Biorą pod uwagę okoliczności historyczne i polityczne, koncentrują się jednak na indywidualnym doświadczeniu i pamięci. Filmy te nie stanowią rehabilitacji systemu komunistycznego ani Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej, pozwalają jednak dostrzec przykłady ich wewnętrznej złożoności, jak również pewne sposoby opowiadania o nich.
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