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PL
Artykuł stanowi analizę obywatelskiej inicjatywy referendalnej w Polsce na poziomie ogólnokrajowym. Jego celem jest weryfikacja dwóch hipotez. Pierwsza z nich zakłada, że inicjatywa ta jest wykorzystywana jedynie przez opozycję polityczną w celu: 1) próby wywarcia wpływu na rządzących, aby zrealizowali jej postulaty programowe, oraz 2) pokazania się społeczeństwu jako ta siła, która reprezentuje je, w przeciwieństwie do stronnictw tworzących rząd. Zgodnie z drugą hipotezą strona rządząca traktuje tę formę demokracji jako instrument populistycznej i demagogicznej walki o władzę, niemającej nic wspólnego z dobrem społecznym.
EN
The article is analysis the institution of the civil referendum initiative in Poland at the countrywide level. Its target is verification two hypothesis: 1) initiative is used only by political opposition, which wants to influence government and show society as party representing its interests, 2) goverment think this form of democracy as instrument of populist struggle of power.
EN
The changes in political life in Poland in the period 2005–2011, which restructured the existing balance of power (dominance of post-Solidarity parties at the expense of the post-communist party) force us to consider whether the party system evolution involves changes in the sphere of ideological divisions. But there also arises another question about the crisis of the left, which could mean the end of the previous model, intergroup rivalry. But there is no doubt that it occurred after 2005 events. Initiated processes took a completely different direction than those in the 90s. The purpose of the article is to explain the ongoing political disputes, and also attempt to answer the question: what factors shape the profile of program-ideological political formations in Poland.
EN
The purpose of the article was to show the problem of female electoral activity in Poland. This subject fits into a current debate on the participation of women in political systems and its limitations. There are many obstacles that prevent women from political participation and their influence is still rather symbolic then real. The source of this situation is also historical and social. Moreover, young democracies are at greater risk of “marketing pathology” because their institutional mechanisms are not built on the foundations of civil society. The perception of politics differs among men and women, but this is mainly due to exogenous factors. Political marketing as a set of tools in the same range can affect men and women, although the differences appear at the level of self-creation of image, choice of strategy and the style of ruling after winning an election.
PL
Samoobrona Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej kierowana przez charyzmatycznego lidera A. Leppera w pierwszym dziesięcioleciu XXI w. była jedną z najciekawszych formacji na polskiej scenie politycznej. Jej sukces oraz upadek należy wiązać z określoną sytuacją polityczną w kraju oraz specyficznym apelem politycznym i sposobem działania ugrupowania. Jednocześnie trudno jednoznacznie sklasyfikować to stronnictwo. W artykule podjęto próbę naświetlenia podstawowych problemów związanych z umiejscowieniem Samoobrony RP w typologii partii politycznych.
EN
Samoobrona RP (Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland), headed by its charismatic leader, Andrzej Lepper, was one of the most interesting parties on the Polish political scene throughout the first decade of the 21st century. Its success and ultimate collapse can be attributed to the political situation in Poland, the party’s unique political appeal and the way it conducted itself – all factors that make it difficult to classify the party. In this article the author shines a light on the fundamental problems concerning the typology of Samoobrona RP.
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