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District authorities in the system of communal decentralization, known in many Italian cities as Consigli di circoscrizione (Cdc), were established between the end of the ‘70s and the early ‘80s make the local government closer to citizens and to promote, at the same time, the participation of the latter in the administration of the former. The set up of such district councils was also a move aiming to give real answers to the many questions raised by the urban social movements active in the big metropolitan areas of the Country. This article, starting from the results of some recent studies on the decentralization system within the Commune of Genova, is set to discuss the implications of the establishment and the evolution of Cdc for political parties as well as for citizens’ committees exerting pressure on local authorities. In other terms, it will describe the patterns of institutional and non-institutional political participation prompted by this new layout of local government, considered as an example of change in the political opportunity structure, trying also to verify if these two fields of participation may somehow overlap. With regard to the local case study, where a new system of nine decentralized organs called Municipi was set up in 2007, the following points will be discussed. First, what kind of political actors and what kind of lists participate in the elections to the bodies of the communal decentralization system. In more detail: are they civic or local lists (organized bottom-up) or organized by traditional political parties (top-down)? Second, what kind of relationships are set with these institutions by neighbourhood-based citizens’ committees that choose not to take part in elections at this level directly. Third, the sociographic profile and attitudes of the politicians elected to these bodies, trying to verify whether they are closer to the mainstream political class or, say, to neighbourhood volunteers
EN
Gender equality is one of the key elements of human rights and sustainable development. This research paper aims to address a comparative study of how the three important factors: political, economic, and social inclusion affect gender equality and inequality in Sweden and Turkey. In the 2017 Global Gender Gap Report, which assigns a number from 0 (gender inequality) to 1 (gender equality), Sweden ranks in the top five percent of the 144 countries assessed for gender equality, with a score of 0.816 (5 of 144), whereas Turkey ranks in the lower half with a score of 0.625 (131 of 144). Although there are legal regulations in the political, economic, and social areas related to gender equality in the world, implementation is also difficult. The aim of this project is to understand how the gender equality movement progressed in Sweden and Turkey to match.
PL
Równość płci jest jednym z podstawowych elementów praw człowieka i zrównoważonego rozwoju. Artykuł badawczy ma na celu zwrócenie uwagi studium porównawczego, jak trzy istotne czynniki: polityczny, ekonomiczny i włączenie społeczne wpływają na równość i nierówność płci w Szwecji i Turcji. W dorocznym raporcie na temat równości płci z roku 2017 (ang. Global Gender Gap Report), który ocenia w skali od 0, co oznacza nierówność płci, do 1, co oznacza równość płci, Szwecję zaliczono do najwyższych pięciu procent spośród 144 krajów ocenianych pod względem równości płci, z wynikiem wynoszącym 0,816 (5 z 144), podczas gdy Turcję umieszczono w dolnej połowie z wynikiem 0,625 (131 z 144). Pomimo że na świecie istnieją regulacje prawne w politycznych, ekonomicznych i społecznych sferach odnoszących się do równości płci, ich wdrożenie jest również trudne. Celem projektu jest zrozumienie, jak ruch na rzecz równości płci ewoluował w Szwecji i Turcji z punktu widzenia zrównania poziomów.
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