This article investigates and assesses the legal problem of political parties in Ethiopia. Ethiopian rulers have denied a legitimate role of political party and saw it as the threat to their power. The evolution of party system in Ethiopia can be divided into three periods: 1. During Emperor Haile Selassie's reign 2. The period of military rule 3. The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) led Government from 1991 up to the present. The first constitution of Ethiopia (1931), banned the presence of any political organization in Ethiopia. The Emperor was the head of the state, head of the government, and commander-in-chief of the Empire. He had absolute authority over the Imperial Military and bureaucracy. The Emperor had sole power to appoint and dismiss the regional governors and members of parliament. In 1974 the military government brought the absolute monarchical rule to an end. During the military junta all civilian opposition groups had been destroyed or forced underground. In most cases, political opponents were systematically targeted; there were human rights abuses, tens of thousands of people disappeared or were murdered in what was known as the „Red Terror" and hundreds of thousands were imprisoned. After the military government was overthrown by rebel groups in 1991, the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), created the coalition of EPRDF by involving several ethnic based political parties. During 1990s, a lot of political parties based on ethnic background, were formed. Many of them are delegalized. Those registered legally also cannot run their programme for political power, because of systematic restriction on them. Security forces of the ruling party commit politically motivated arbitrary killings, detention, torture and other forms of human rights abuse on political opponents. Ethiopia is de facto single-party sys- tem in which a dominant single political party forms the government and no other parties are permitted to run candidates for election; unfair laws and practices of the present minority government pre- vent the opposition from legally getting power.
In this article the electoral programs for the Bundestag elections on 24 September 2017 of six German political parties (CDU/CSU, SPD, Left Party, Bündnis90/Die Grünen, FDP, and AfD) will be evaluated for their statements on the future German and European policy on Russia. These political parties were selected because they have a realistic chance of being elected into the 19th German Bundestag. The most critical view on the relations with Russia is to be found in the liberal election program. Here, the Russian government is directly called upon to stop immediately the unlawful occupation of the Crimea and the war in the Eastern Ukraine. The most uncritical view on relations with Russia is to be found the election program of the Left party. Criticism of Russian policy in Ukraine is not practiced. However, it calls for a large number of unilateral advance steps by Germany, the EU and NATO, to meet Russia. The willingness to dialogue with the government of Russia contains all six electoral programs under evaluation. Elements of deterrence only contains the program of the FDP. Three scenarios for Germany’s future relations with Russia are possible.
The political landscape of Slovene lands as it developed by the World War I. was distinguished by the dominant position of political Catholicism. “Progressives” as the second most important political force lagged far behind in terms of popular support and the gap between the two even broadened during interwar. Moreover, the progressive camp faced disintegration after 1918, which was also not surmounted during 1930s despite the renewed but politically conditioned unity of all the major strains of progressive politics inside one party. The core group of the progressive camp gathered around Gregor Žerjav and Albert Kramer united the most vocal advocates of Yugoslav national idea in Slovene part of Yugoslavia. The reasons ranged from practical considerations, connected to the persistent domestic struggle with the Catholic camp, to more substantial ones. These included belief in a necessity of a strong state, as well as a sincere persuasion that amalgamation into a unified Yugoslav nation represented a new, necessary and higher developmental stage for Slovenes. During the 1930s their Yugoslav nationalist radicalized further and included militant rhetoric. The two main denominators of Slovene progressives during the interwar period continued to be nationalism and anti-clericalism. The centrality of struggle against “clericalism,” marked an important difference between progressives and their counterparts in the more secularized Czech context. On the other hand the appeal to the national idea, as well as propensity toward integral nationalism distinguished both the Slovene and the Czech interwar national liberal heirs.
The system of financing political parties in Poland is based on the principle of budgetary subsidy. Commonly criticised, the system underwent a change in 2011, which meant a 50 % decrease in the subsidy. The change was received positively by the general public, although the system requires further reforms. They might evolve in three directions, namely: 1. eradication of subsidy and considering political parties private enterprises, 2. replacing the already existing system with the so - called targeted subsidies, 3. introducing 1 % deduction from the income tax of the citizens. In the Polish political conditions, connected with the present majority electoral law, targeted subsidies seem to be the most effective solution, though. There are many such examples in this area in other European Union countries.
Komunikowanie polityczne umożliwia podmiotom prezentację przyjętej strategii i taktyki oraz wywieranie wpływu na poglądy i zachowania polityczne jednostek i grup społecznych. Zarazem zapewnia ono wymianę informacji niezbędnych do orientacji w otoczeniu politycznym i określenia roli poszczególnych podmiotów, ich celów i dążeń. Komunikowanie polityczne przebiega w określonym kontekście sytuacyjnym, który wpływa na znaczenie przekazywanej informacji. Przekazy są zwykle nasycone emocjonalnie i zawierają bodźce skłaniające odbiorcę do określonych zachowań. W demokratycznym systemie politycznym proces komunikowania stanowi obszar wzajemnych oddziaływań informacji i idei przekazywanych przez polityków oraz aktywności politycznej społeczeństwa, co w sposób naturalny spaja potrzeby komunikowania się zarówno organizacji politycznych, jak i grup społecznych. Komunikowanie to nie jest jednostronne, jest dynamicznym, zwartym procesem i wzajemną relacją.
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The aim of this article is political campaign. In a democratic political system, the communication process is an area of the interaction of information and ideas transmittedtion by politicians and political activity of society, which naturally binds the communication needs of both political organizations and social groups.
Cel/Teza: Głównym celem badań jest ocena jakości architektury informacji w witrynach internetowych dwóch partii dominujących obecnie na polskiej scenie politycznej: Prawa i Sprawiedliwości (PiS) oraz Platformy Obywatelskiej (PO). Koncepcja/Metody badań: W badaniach wykorzystano triangulację kilku metod badawczych: ocenę jakościowo-heurystyczną architektury informacji na stronach WWW partii PiS i PO, ocenę ekspercką, analizę porównawczą witryn oraz obserwacje własne. Wyniki i wnioski: Choć obie witryny charakteryzują się standardową jakością, zostały zaprojektowane z uwzględnieniem zasad funkcjonalności. W obrębie badanych stron WWW widoczny jest brak niektórych istotnych składowych architektury informacji. Na podstawie przeprowadzonych analiz stwierdzono, że witryna partii PO jest jakościowo nieco lepsza od witryny partii PiS. Zastosowania praktyczne: Wyniki przeprowadzonych badań mogą być podstawą dla doskonalenia witryn poddanych analizie. Mogą mieć one również wpływ nie tylko na ocenę zaawansowania technologicznego partii PIS i PO, ale i także na ich wizerunek oraz odbiór społeczny, a w związku z tym też skuteczność w dotarciu do wyborców danej partii. Oryginalność/Wartość poznawcza: Przygotowane opracowanie ukazuje nową interpretację metody badawczej, którą jest ocena jakościowo-heurystyczna oparta na 74 kryteriach skupionych na potrzebach i kompetencjach użytkownika danego serwisu. Owo podejście wspomoże badania stron WWW w celu poprawy jakości doświadczeń użytkowników i bezproblemowej realizacji procesów informacyjnych.
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Purpose/Thesis: The main objective of the presented study is to assess the quality of information architecture on the websites of Law and Justice (PiS) and Civic Platform (PO), the dominant parties in Polish politics. Approach/Methods: The research methodology comprises a qualitative-heuristic assessment of the information architecture on the websites of PiS and PO, expert assessment, a comparative analysis of selected websites and the author’s own observations. Results and conclusions: Although both sites are of standard quality, they have been designed with the principles of functionality in mind. They lack some important components of information architecture. The website of PO is of marginally higher quality than the website of PiS. Practical implications: The results of the conducted research may have an impact not only on the assessment of the parties’ technological advancement, but also on their image and public perception, and therefore also their effectiveness in reaching their voters. Originality/Cognitive value: The study shows a new interpretation of a qualitative and heuristic assessment based on 74 criteria concerning the needs and competences of the user of a given website. This approach will advance the research into websites and thus improve the quality of user experience, allowing for a seamless implementation of information processes.
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