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EN
Polish Workers' Party (PPR) were particular about work competition. It was to be an element of political operations (to create a new working class and to perform educational function) and economic (to increase and improve the quality of production). However, The Communist Party encountered a number of difficulties in production plants. The most important of these may include the independence of the parts of the administration of companies and trade unions, insufficient involvement of some members of the Communist Party and the reluctance on the workers. Despite those facts, work competition was forcing in the most of companies in Kielce province and was an integral part of socio - economic development in post-war Poland.
EN
Prison Warsaw–Mokotów located at Rakowiecka 37 enrolled shameful in the history of Polish years 1944-1956. During this period in Mokotowskie prison functioned 4 wheel PPR , which focused around 75 members (of which came at the meeting of 30 States – 40 %). At the end of 1948, just before the unification of the party in all circles operating in jail Mokotów was centered 126 members. The analysis of the protocols of meetings that a common theme that was raised, the discipline of work. The prison officers will join the competition after the elimination of sleeping at the time of service at the police station, being late to work, coming to work intoxicated, excessive consumption of paper, water and electricity. Secretaries encouraged to be active members of the PPR that through training, employees MBP can obtain knowledge of the political situation that prevails in Europe and Poland, and that will be more " immune to all the promptings of the enemies of democracy." Hence, calling for the submission of the people who are more politically pounded to take care of those employees who have problems with reading and writing to teach them to understand the problems of communist ideological thinking. In the spring of 1948, the party meetings proceeded in accordance with a planned party line, which is nice to prepare members of the party to the unification movement PPR and PPS. Another nagging problem that was raised at party meetings, the presentation of the August Plenum of the Central Committee of the PPR, which were discussed issues Władyslaw Gomułka accusations of right-wing deviation.
EN
he Poviat Committee of the Polish Workers ‘Party in Mrągowo was established on July 13, 1945. In December 1948, after joining the local organization of the Polish Socialist Party, it transformed into a Poviat Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party in Mragowo. This structure functioned until mid-1975, when it was dissolved. After the liquidation of the district committee, all party organizations from the area of the abolished Poviat were subordinated to the Provincial Committee of the PZPR in Olsztyn. The total number of party members in the Poviat was systematically increasing from less than 1500 at the time of the establishment of the PZPR, to over 2600 at the time of the Poviat’s liquidation. The last reliable data from 1988 regarding the number of PZPR members was 1800. The largest party organization had the PZPR Municipal Committee in Mrągowo, gathering 40–50% of all party members in the aforementioned area. The PZPR organization in Mrągowo experienced two major organizational crises: in 1956 and in the years 1980–1982. The second of them brought losses, which proved to be impossible to mitigate. Individual branches lost up to 20% of their members, there was chaos in the organization and there were no people willing to perform party functions. The disintegration of the organization was halted in 1984–1986. In the last years of the PZPR (1987–1989) only its superior structures, i.e. committees, were active. The basic branches ceased operations well before the formal dissolution of the party.
PL
Wybory do Sejmu Ustawodawczego, które zostały przeprowadzone w Polsce w dniu 19 I 1947 r., stanowiły ważny element w przejmowaniu władzy przez komunistów. Będąc perfidnie sfałszowane, odsuwały od władzy oponentów, w tym główną partię opozycyjną – Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe. Pozbywszy się konkurentów Polska Partia Robotnicza i jej stronnicy: Polska Partia Socjalistyczna, Stronnictwo Ludowe i Stronnictwo Demokratyczne mogli bez skrępowania realizować wytyczne nadsyłane z Moskwy. Prymas Hlond, obserwator zachodzących w kraju przeobrażeń, sporządził w dniu 10 II 1947 r. raport o sytuacji Kościoła w Polsce, który przesłał do Watykanu cztery dni później. Zawarł w nim opinie odnoszące się do kwestii kościelnych, jak i spraw politycznych oraz społecznych. Dzięki temu dokument stał się niezwykle ważnym świadectwem, choć dotąd pozostawał w nauce nieznanym. Raport, sporządzony w języku włoskim, został niedawno odnaleziony w Archiwum Archidiecezjalnym w Gnieźnie w trakcie opracowywania powojennych Akt Prymasa Polski. Zidentyfikowany, został przetłumaczony i przygotowany do druku przez ks. Łukasza Kruckiego.
EN
The election to the Legislative Parliament held in Poland on January 19, 1947 consti-tuted an important factor in the takeover of the government by the Communists. Treach-erously falsified, it removed from power the opponents, among them the main opposi-tional party – the Polish People’s Party. Having got rid of the opponents, the Polish Workers’ Party and its adherents: the Polish Socialist Party, the People’s Party and the Alliance of Democrats could easily implement the guidelines sent from Moscow. Primate Hlond, an observer of the changes happening in Poland, wrote a report about the situation of the Church in Poland on February 10, 1947, which he sent to Vatican four days later. The report comprised his opinions on church matters as well as political and social issues. That is why the document constitutes an extremely important – although so far unknown – testimony. The report, written in Italian, was found not long ago in the Archdiocesan Archive in Gniezno, during the research on the postwar Primate of Poland Acts. Having been identified, it was translated and prepared for publication by Rev. Łukasz Krucki.
EN
The Communist Party has played a pivotal role in Polish politics after World War II. Her branches were set up in every workplace, including the security apparatus. This text describes eleven silhouettes of people in charge of party structures in Voivodship Department of Public Security i Gdansk (in the period 1955–1956 as Voivodship Department for Public Security). They had different education, different biographies, but they had the most important feature – the confidence of the Party authorities. The first party secretaries were shown as a group. The author described the most important features of their biographies and juxtaposed them together. The article also explains the details of the selection of each of them, the most important events of every term and the circumstances of their dismissal from a position.
PL
Artykuł, na przykładzie analizy organizacji partyjnej prenumeraty oraz związanym z nią kolportażem prasy, stanowi próbę oceny sprawności lokalnego aparatu PPR w województwie lubelskim w latach 1946–1948. Kolportaż w tym okresie był formowany opornie i nieudolnie, ukazując przy tym szereg największych bolączek partii w okresie walki o władzę w Polsce powojennej. Problemy takie jak brak odpowiednio wykształconych i przygotowanych kadr, niekompetencja, brak poparcia ludności w terenie i marnowanie materiału na nieczytaną w zasadzie prasę komunistyczną były przez partię nierozwiązane aż do momentu, gdy stopniowo uzyskiwała ona monopol władzy, który pozwolił jej na niczym nieograniczoną (materiałowo i konkurencyjnie) działalność.
EN
This article, basing on an example of analysis of the press colportage’s organization, is a consideration of the local Polish Workers’ Party machine’s efficiency in Lublin voivodeship 1946-1948. During this period, the colportage was formed inaptly and with difficulties, showing a number of the biggest party’s problems during the struggle for power in post-war Poland. Problems such as insufficient numbers of educated personnel, incompetency, the lack of people’s support and a wastefulness of resources for printing press that wasn’t even read, were not resolved until the party began to achieve the monopoly for power, which enabled it to manage unhampered (both materially and competitively) activities.
EN
The years 1947-1948 were the period of intensive actions, which aim was to unify the Polish Workers' Party (Polish: Polska Partia Robotnicza, PPR) with the Polish Socialist Party (Polish: Polska Partia Socjalistyczna, PPS) and which the coping stone was the Unification Congress that was held from December 15th to December 21st, 1948. At this meeting the common organisation emerged under the name the Polish United Workers' Party (Polish: Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza, PZPR). The whole operation was carried out under a communist diktat, who took actions to weaken PPS through elimination of the internal opposition, implementation of submissive people to the management of the party, and absorption by PPR. The purpose of this article is to present the organization state of PPR and PPS in the period between 1947 and 1948, the interparty cooperation and the establishment of county structures of PZPR.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia wydarzenia, jakie miały miejsce w Wyszogrodzie w połowie 1947 r. Doszło wówczas do zamieszek między mieszkańcami miasta a funkcjonariuszami miejscowego posterunku Milicji Obywatelskiej i Powiatowego Urzędu Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego z Płocka. W wyniku zajść, które miały podłoże polityczne, wielu protestujących zostało aresztowanych. Tekst opisuje przyczyny, przebieg i konsekwencje tych wydarzeń.
EN
The article talks about an incident in Wyszogrod in mid 1947. The core of the event were riots between the inhabitants of the town, the Citizen`s Militia in Wyszogrod, and the District Office of Public Security in Plock. The background was political. As a result of the riots, many protesters were arrested. The article describes the causes, course, and consequences of these events.
EN
The life of Wladyslaw Zdunek was full of radical changes. He fought with the communists in the Polish-Soviet War in 1920. A few years later he became a union activist in the Communist Party. During the whole period until the outbreak of second world war in various ways to support institutions that sympathized with the Communists. He was stopped many times by the Polish police, also he sat for it in prison. Although became an important person in the communist party in the Lublin province it is his character traits didn't let him the political career. He was quickly sidelined track. It caused more reasons for dissatisfaction. For the communist police became the enemy, which under surveillance and observed. His life is an example of that in the communist period did not really mattered education, but acquaintances in the elite party nomenclature. Although his life you can find many examples of typical careerism, however, character traits and attitudes instability did not allow him on achieving any successes
PL
W lutym 1945 r., położony na północ od Zielonej Góry oraz w pobliżu koryta rzeki Odry, Czerwieńsk zajęli żołnierze radzieccy 3 armii gwardii I Frontu Ukraińskiego. Zniszczenia wojenne były na tym poniemieckim terenie niewielkie, gdyż szacowano je od 2 do 3%. W następstwie konferencji poczdamskiej Ziemie Zachodnie i Północne łącznie z tym ośrodkiem znalazły się w granicach państwa polskiego. Od 1945 do 1947 r. Czerwieńsk należał administracyjnie do powiatu zielonogórskiego. W listopadzie 1945 r. zasiedlona przez ludność polską miejscowość straciła prawa miejskie stając się osadą wiejską. We wspomnianym roku zameldowane były tutaj 63 rodziny. Posługę duszpasterską sprawował w parafii pw. św. Wojciecha do czasu bezpodstawnego uwięzienia przez władze komunistyczne proboszcz ksiądz Ignacy Zoń. W latach 1945-1947 położono kres lokalnym wypadkom zbrojnym, a także zniszczono opozycję zrzeszoną pod szyldem Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego. W tej sytuacji Polska Partia Robotnicza skupiła pełnię władzy w Czerwieńsku.
EN
In February 1945, Czerwieńsk, located north of Zielona Góra and near the Odra River, was occupied by Soviet soldiers of the 3rd Guards Army of the First Ukrainian Front. War damage on these formerly German lands was minor, it was estimated from 2 to 3 %. Following the Potsdam Conference, northern and western territories, including Czerwieńsk, became a part of the Polish State. From 1945 to 1947 Czerwieńsk administratively belonged to Zielona Góra District. In November 1945 after being inhabited by the Polish people it lost its municipal rights and became a rural settlement; 63 families were registered that year in Czerwieńsk. The St. Wojciech Parish was ministered by a parish priest Ignacy Zoń until he was unjustifiably imprisoned by communist authorities. Local armed incidents were put to an end during the years 1945-1947; the opposition under the aegis of Polish People’s Party was destroyed as well. As a result the Polish Workers’ Party gained all the power in Czerwieńsk.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia działania i przestępstwa popełnione przez funkcjonariuszy Powiatowego Urzędu Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego w Płocku podczas wyborów do Sejmu Ustawodawczego z 1947 r. Represje dotyczyły głównie działaczy Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego, które miało wielu zwolenników w powiecie płockim.
EN
The article presents the activities and offenses committed by officers of The District Office of Public Security in Plock during elections to the Legislative Parliament in 1947. The repression concerned mainly the activists of the Polish People`s Party, which had many supporters in the county of Plock.
EN
The licensed Polish Socialist Party (PPS) was active from September 1944 until its “reunification” with the Polish Workers’ Party in December 1948. According to the official propaganda narrative, the “Lublin” PPS was an independent party, having influence in the state apparatus, and it was concerned with the fate of the workers. It also made reference to the traditions (continuation) of the party established in 1892. The article presents the activity of this party from the point of view of the representatives of the authentic PPS in exile. One of them was the newspaper “Robotnik Polski w Wielkiej Brytanii” [Polish Worker in Great Britain], published in London and headed by Adam Ciołkosz, and the monthly “Światło” [Light], published in Paris by Editor-in-Chief Zygmunt Zaremba. The text discusses the history and authenticity of the “Lublin” PPS, its actual relations with the Polish Workers’ Party, the influence of this group in the state apparatus, intraparty differences and relations with western European parties.
PL
Koncesjonowana Polska Partia Socjalistyczna funkcjonowała od września 1944 r. do „zjednoczenia” z Polską Partią Robotniczą w grudniu 1948 r. W oficjalnej, propagandowej narracji „lubelska” PPS była partią samodzielną, posiadającą wpływy w aparacie państwowym, zatroskaną o los środowisk robotniczych. Powoływano się także na kontynuowanie tradycji ugrupowania założonego w 1892 r. W artykule została przedstawiona działalność tej partii z punktu widzenia emigracyjnych przedstawicieli autentycznej PPS. Jednym z nich był „Robotnik Polski w Wielkiej Brytanii”, wydawany w Londynie, na czele którego stał Adam Ciołkosz, oraz miesięcznik „Światło” wydawany w Paryżu przez redaktora naczelnego Zygmunta Zarembę. W tekście przedstawiono kwestie historii i autentyczności „lubelskiej” PPS, ich rzeczywistych relacji z Polską Partią Robotniczą, wpływu ugrupowania w aparacie państwowym, różnic wewnątrzpartyjnych oraz relacji z partiami zachodniej Europy.
EN
In the early years of Communist rule in Poland sport was not crucial for the emerging communist government. Legal reformation of that significant to an average citizen issue was not in the area of interest of either Polish Workers' Party, or of Polish Socialist Party. It was only after the latter party started to prevail that a breakthrough was finally made. Political wrangling of two parties' leaders - manifested in gross negligence and lack of consistency in action - caused further deterioration of the situation. Appointment of successive temporary posts, whose responsibilities - though seemingly clear - were not fulfilled, caused new problems. It would seem that the overriding goal of the authorities (apart from internal struggle) was to please the Soviet Union at all costs. Due to that, the situation of sport in Poland was not improved until 1948, despite several attempts.
EN
Stalinism in Poland were characterized by, among other things, taking place within the Polish United Workers' Party purification processes its ranks of "enemies". Especially with "reactionaries" type of ex-Home Army soldiers. One of them was Zygmunt Gnieciak (1925-1989). Born in Rozyn (Volyn), in 1943-1944 he served in the 27th Volyn Home Army Infantry Division. After its disarmed by the Soviets, was a soldier of WP / WOP (until 1946). Then he worked in power station in Słubice. At the news of settling his family repatriated for Hrubieszow came to the area and started his own family. Soon he took a job political instructor at the District Headquarters of the General Organization "Service to Poland" and then in the District Committee of the Communist Party in Hrubieszow (1949-1951). Factual material indicates that as his clerk, chief of human resources’ department and head of the propaganda department secretly led a double play. Was to use positions in the party to sabotage its various actions. After nearly two years, perhaps for fear of being discovered he revealed that he was once a member of the Home Army. At the same time concealing his role he played in KP Polish United Workers' Party in Hrubieszow. In an atmosphere of dismay that the party apparatus employed in the former “bandit”, district leadership the Communist Party removed him from his post. But he did not suffer serious consequences beyond throwing their jobs and driven out of Hrubieszow. Not escaped prison in 1953. Was sentenced to a year in prison for lack of managerial supervision of the company buying fruits and vegetables in Chelm, which was then the director. Since the mid 50s to mid 80s. of XXth century he worked in mills and factories fruit and vegetable industry in the counties of Chelm and Hrubieszow.
EN
The aim of the article is to present the assumptions and forms of implementing the inspection policy of the Voivodeship Party Control Commission of the Polish Workers’ Party in Lublin in the party structures at the district level in the Lubelskie region over the period 1945–1948. These considerations will make it possible to find out how the body whose controlling competence was controversial, mainly due to the threat of duplication of activities with the KW institutions, was functioning in the lower structures of the party organization. This seemingly small piece of the PPR activities may be important in the discussions around the representative offices of “the workers’ party” in the first years after the Second World War.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie założeń i form realizacji polityki inspekcyjnej Wojewódzkiej Komisji Kontroli Partyjnej Polskiej Partii Robotniczej w Lublinie w strukturach partyjnych szczebla powiatowego na Lubelszczyźnie w latach 1945–1948. Rozważania te umożliwią stwierdzenie, w jaki sposób w niższych strukturach organizacji partyjnej funkcjonował organ, którego kompetencje kontrolne w terenie budziły kontrowersje głównie z powodu groźby dublowania działań z instytucjami KW. Ten drobny, zdawałoby się, wycinek z działalności PPR może okazać się istotny przy rozważaniach wokół terenowych przedstawicielstw „partii robotniczej” w pierwszych latach po zakończeniu II wojny światowej.
PL
Przedmiotem artykułu jest analiza referatu Tadeusza Daniszewskiego „Sprawa niepodległości w ruchu robotniczym” oraz dyskusji, którą wywołał na forum Wydziału Historii Partii jesienią 1946 r. Tekst ukazuje znaczenie ideologii w początkach władzy komunistycznej w Polsce po zakończeniu II wojny światowej oraz ciągłość dawnych sporów wewnątrz szeroko pojętego ruchu robotniczego, dotyczących stosunku do niepodległości. Dotyka problemu ewolucji ideowej przedwojennych komunistów w obliczu konieczności legitymizacji systemu.The article presents an analysis of Tadeusz Daniszewski’s report entitled “The question of independence in the workers’ movement” and the discussion at the Department of the History of the Party that followed it in the autumn of 1946. The text pays attention to the importance of ideology in the early period of communist rule in Poland after the end of World War Two, and the continuity of old controversies within the broad workers’ movement concerning the attitude towards independence. It also brings up the problem of ideological evolution of pre-war communists faced with the need to legitimise the new political system.
EN
The issues regarding PPR, its structure, people and political activity are well explored on the central level, and in some cases on the regional level as well. There have been no studies so far about PPR in Chojnice County in years 1945–1948, however. Thus, an author decided to fill this gap in by making a study on the basis of primary sources. The foundation for this task are two hypotheses. The first one is that political elites of PRR in Chojnice were part of the „enforced authorities” in the process of Poland sovietization. The second hypothesis, an auxiliary one, is that political phenomena resulting from PPR political activity in Chojnice County were analogical to those in then Poland as a whole in accordance to Marxism – Leninism ideology.
PL
Tematyka związana z PPR, jej struktura, ludzie i działalność polityczna jest dokładnie poznana, w odniesieniu do centralnych struktur partii, a w niektórych przypadkach również do struktur regionalnych. Jak dotąd jednak nie ma żadnych opublikowanych studiów nad PPR w powiecie chojnickim w latach 1945-1948. Stąd autor zdecydował się wypełnić tę lukę poznawczą poprzez studia nad materiałami źródłowymi. W stadium tym przyjęto dwie hipotezy. Pierwszą, stanowiącą przypuszczenie, że elity PPR w Chojnicach były elementem „narzuconej władzy” w procesie sowietyzacji Polski. Druga hipoteza, pomocnicza, stanowi przypuszczenie, że zjawiska polityczne, wynikające z działalności politycznej PPR na ziemi chojnickiej, były analogiczne do zjawisk zachodzących w całej Polsce, na szczeblu lokalnym, w wyniku budowania struktur i utożsamiania władzy państwowej z PPR zgodnie z ideologią marksizmu-leninizmu.
EN
The attitude of militia force from Radzyń Podlaski poviat towards communism and the Soviet Union in early 1946
DE
Infolge der gefälschten Wahlen zum „Legislativen Sejm“ (Sejm Ustawodawczy) Anfang 1947 gewann die kommunistische Polnische Arbeiterpartei (Polska Partia Robotnicza, kurz: PPP) fast die gesamte politische Macht in Polen. Die legale Opposition, die sich in der Polnischen Bauernpartei (Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe, kurz: PSL) sammelte, sowie illegale, antikommunistische politische und bewaffnete Strukturen verloren merklich an Kraft und waren nicht in der Lage, auf die Situation im Staat Einfluss zu nehmen. Im Verlauf der Jahre 1947 und 1948 wurde „von oben” die These lanciert, dass alle Fragen im Zusammenhang mit der Integration der sog. Wiedergewonnenen Gebiete mit dem übrigen Staat zu einer positiven Lösung gebracht worden seien. Es handelt sich um die 1945 einverleibten deutschen Ostgebiete. Dies entsprach nicht der Wahrheit, aber solche Ansichten passten zu dem Kampf der stalinistischen Leitung der PPP mit dem Anführer der „einheimischen” Kommunisten, Władysław Gomułka. Im Verlauf des Jahres 1948 wurde dessen politische Position marginalisiert. Als Anführer der PPP und Leiter des Ministeriums für die Wiedergewonnenen Gebiete büßte er die Möglichkeit ein, auf die Situation in den West- und Nordgebieten Einfluss zu nehmen. Anfang 1949 wurde das Ministerium für die Wiedergewonnenen Gebiete aufgelöst, obwohl viele Probleme in den neuen Gebieten noch nicht gelöst waren.
EN
As a result of falsified legislative elections to the Sejm in early 1947. Communist Polish Workers’ Party received almost the full political power in Poland. Legally opposition, placed in the Polish Peasant Party and illegal, anti-communist political and military structures clearly weakened, were unable to influence the situation in the country. During 1947 and 1948 were promoted top-down thesis that had been successfully resolved all issues related to the integration so called Recovered Territories with the rest of the country. Incorporated in 1945 Eastern German territories. It was not true, but such views formed part of the fight against the Stalinist leadership of the PPR with the leader of the Communists ‘national’ Władysław Gomułka. During 1948, his political position has been marginalized. As the leader of PPR and head of the Ministry of Recovered Territories had lost the ability to influence the situation in the western and northern regions. At the beginning of 1949. Ministry was closed despite the many unresolved lands new problems
EN
In the first years of post-war Poland (1944–1950) the ruling communist fraction represented by the PPR/PZPR (Polish Workers’ Party / Polish United Workers’ Party) did not explicitly reveal its political vision but referred to selected state institutions of pre-war Poland. Therefore, in the local administration a complex administrative system was created, named an administrative trialism (the three-part system). Its first component was the national councils, as the structures of state authority and administrative supervision. The second were the general and special government administration organs. The third component was the local government with national councils as resolution-providing organs. It should be emphasized that the administrative trialism proved to be one of the most effective tools for building in 1944 the structures of the communist state, an example of which is the Lublin Province from 1944 to 1950.
PL
W pierwszych latach Polski powojennej (1944–1950) rządzący obóz komunistyczny reprezentowany przez PPR/PZPR nie ujawniał wprost swojej wizji ustrojowej, lecz odwoływał się do wybranych instytucji państwowych Polski przedwrześniowej. Dlatego też w administracji lokalnej wytworzył się złożony system administracyjny, określany trializmem administracyjnym (systemem trójczłonowym). Jego pierwszym członem były rady narodowe, jako struktury władzy państwowej i nadzoru administracyjnego, drugim – organy administracji rządowej: ogólnej i specjalnej, a trzecim – samorząd terytorialny z radami narodowymi jako organami uchwałodawczymi. Należy podkreślić, iż trializm administracyjny okazał się jednym z bardziej skutecznych narzędzi budowania w Polsce po 1944 r. struktur państwa komunistycznego, czego przykładem jest województwo lubelskie z lat 1944–1950.
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