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EN
The politicians of the Polska Partia Socjalistyczna (PPS) believed that the adoption of the Constitution was one of the most important and the most urgent tasks of the Polish Seym (Polish Parliament) elected on 19 January, 1947. Immediately, in the spring of that year, the authorities of the PPS started the inner-PPS works to get ready the party’s politicians for the constitutional debate and to help them to develope a position on important issues of the future of the Polish political system. The party officials asked the theorists of the constitutional law and the practitioners dealing with the social and state problems to prepare elaboration concerning chosen political issues which were part of their interests. Konstanty Grzybowski and Michał Szuldenfrei wrote articles about freedom of founding and functioning of political parties which had key importance in regard to the system existence. The authors of both texts supported the constitutional regulation of the status of political parties what was not positively accepted among the contemporary liberal groups. Both Grzybowski and Szuldenfrei believed that in the situation in Poland in 1947, which was a transitional period characterized by the existence of strong antisystemic opposition, it was necessary to regulate political parties and restrict the freedom of their founding and functioning.
EN
Polska Partia Socjalistyczna, called “reborn” by its supporters, and “licensed” or “false” by its antagonists, was created on 10th–11th September 1944, during a socialists’ conference held in Lublin (so-called 15th Congress of the PSP). The power elite in the party was made up of 57 people in total. It was a circle dominated by well educated men, mostly young and middle-aged, most of whom had been bound up with the party since the 1920s and 30s. On average, every second one of them was in the occupied country between 1939 and 1945, and only every eighth in the Soviet Union. Despite this, one should not underestimate the influence of the so-called “natives” in the PSP elite, since they were functioning within two, ideologically different, streants of Polish socialism. That was why they found it relatively easy to sever links with their socialist past and made their way into the ranks of the newly created Communist authorities.
PL
Wybory do Sejmu Ustawodawczego, które zostały przeprowadzone w Polsce w dniu 19 I 1947 r., stanowiły ważny element w przejmowaniu władzy przez komunistów. Będąc perfidnie sfałszowane, odsuwały od władzy oponentów, w tym główną partię opozycyjną – Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe. Pozbywszy się konkurentów Polska Partia Robotnicza i jej stronnicy: Polska Partia Socjalistyczna, Stronnictwo Ludowe i Stronnictwo Demokratyczne mogli bez skrępowania realizować wytyczne nadsyłane z Moskwy. Prymas Hlond, obserwator zachodzących w kraju przeobrażeń, sporządził w dniu 10 II 1947 r. raport o sytuacji Kościoła w Polsce, który przesłał do Watykanu cztery dni później. Zawarł w nim opinie odnoszące się do kwestii kościelnych, jak i spraw politycznych oraz społecznych. Dzięki temu dokument stał się niezwykle ważnym świadectwem, choć dotąd pozostawał w nauce nieznanym. Raport, sporządzony w języku włoskim, został niedawno odnaleziony w Archiwum Archidiecezjalnym w Gnieźnie w trakcie opracowywania powojennych Akt Prymasa Polski. Zidentyfikowany, został przetłumaczony i przygotowany do druku przez ks. Łukasza Kruckiego.
EN
The election to the Legislative Parliament held in Poland on January 19, 1947 consti-tuted an important factor in the takeover of the government by the Communists. Treach-erously falsified, it removed from power the opponents, among them the main opposi-tional party – the Polish People’s Party. Having got rid of the opponents, the Polish Workers’ Party and its adherents: the Polish Socialist Party, the People’s Party and the Alliance of Democrats could easily implement the guidelines sent from Moscow. Primate Hlond, an observer of the changes happening in Poland, wrote a report about the situation of the Church in Poland on February 10, 1947, which he sent to Vatican four days later. The report comprised his opinions on church matters as well as political and social issues. That is why the document constitutes an extremely important – although so far unknown – testimony. The report, written in Italian, was found not long ago in the Archdiocesan Archive in Gniezno, during the research on the postwar Primate of Poland Acts. Having been identified, it was translated and prepared for publication by Rev. Łukasz Krucki.
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EN
The article presents the activities of Poles connected with the Polish Socialist Party in the British capital at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. In the discussed period London was an important center where leading representatives of the PPS stayed in exile. They developed pro-independence activity there, printed considerable amounts of illegal press and pro-independence publications, obtained funds for PPS activity in the country, and established contacts with socialist circles from other parts of Europe and the world. Such figures as Witold Jodko-Narkiewicz, Bolesław Antoni Jędrzejowski, Aleksander Dębski, Stanisław Mendelson, Tytus Filipowicz, Leon Wasilewski or Stanisław Wojciechowski were associated with London for many years. Józef Piłsudski also visited the city several times, and it was in London that he based the implementation of his daring plan to create the Polish Legions in distant Japan.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia działalność Polaków związanych z Polską Partią Socjalistyczną w stolicy Wielkiej Brytanii na przełomie XIX i XX wieku. W omawianym okresie Londyn był ważnym ośrodkiem, w którym przebywali czołowi przedstawiciele PPS pozostający na emigracji. Rozwijano tam działalność niepodległościową, drukowano znaczące ilości nielegalnej prasy i wydawnictw niepodległościowych, pozyskiwano środki na funkcjonowanie PPS w kraju oraz nawiązywano kontakty ze środowiskami socjalistów z innych części Europy i świata. Z Londynem przez wiele lat związane były takie postacie, jak Witold Jodko-Narkiewicz, Bolesław Antoni Jędrzejowski, Aleksander Dębski, Stanisław Mendelson, Tytus Filipowicz, Leon Wasilewski czy Stanisław Wojciechowski. Kilkakrotnie bywał tu także Józef Piłsudski, który właśnie na Londynie opierał realizację swojego śmiałego planu stworzenia Legionów Polskich w odległej Japonii. 
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PL
The aim of the article is to recall and present the political and intellectual figure of J. Hochfeld (1911–1966) against the background of the contemporary – often ahistorical – attempts to reconstruct historical memory in Poland, totally condemning the period of the Polish People’s Republic. My objective is to use the example of J. Hochfeld to demonstrate the complexity of lives and choices of those who as the members of the non-communist left were active in the interwar period, during World War II and the Polish People’s Republic. This article also presents Hochfeld’s theoretical organizational contribution to the development of the Polish post-war sociology, as well as topicality of the issues he tackled, e.g. political sociology, the contemporaneity of the idea of historical materialism and social-democratic socialism.
EN
Marian Pryliński was born in Włocławek or Sompolno in 1871. He was a member of the Polish Socialist Party - Revolutionary Faction. He ran a secret warehouse of weapons, explosives and the underground press in Dąbie. Arrested by the Russian authorities, was exiled to Siberia in 1914. He returned to Poland in 1922 and settled in Łęczyca. He was actively involved in social and economic life of the city. Today he remains a completely forgotten figure.
PL
Marian Pryliński urodził się we Włocławku lub Sompolnie w marcu 1871 r. Był członkiem Polskiej Partii Socjalistycznej – Frakcji Rewolucyjnej. Prowadził w Dąbiu tajny magazyn broni, materiałów wybuchowych i prasy konspiracyjnej. Aresztowany przez władze carskie został zesłany na Syberię w 1914 r. Powrócił do kraju w 1922 r. i zamieszkał w Łęczycy. Czynnie włączył się w życie społeczne i gospodarcze miasta. Dziś pozostaje postacią zupełnie zapomnianą.
PL
Istotnym elementem dorobku publicystycznego Adama Ciołkosza jest jego spuścizna epistolograficzna, która liczy kilka tysięcy listów. Szczególne miejsce zajmuje w niej korespondencja z Janem Nowakiem-Jeziorańskim prowadzona w latach 1946–1975, licząca 269 listów. Ciołkosz był jednym z najważniejszych publicystów politycznych Rozgłośni Polskiej RWE, szczególnie cenionym przez Nowaka. Korespondencja daje wiele dowodów na to, jak ważne miejsce zajmował na mapie sojuszników i przyjaciół Nowaka.
EN
A significant element of Ciołkosz’s journalistic achievement is his epistolographic legacy, which comprises of several thousand letters. This includes correspondence – 269 letters – with Jan Nowak-Jeziorański, from the years 1946–1975. Ciołkosz was one of the most prominent political publicists of the Polish service of RFE, particularly valued by NowakJeziorański. The correspondence provides significant evidence that Ciołkosz was one of the biggest friends and allies of Nowak-Jeziorański.
EN
The years 1947-1948 were the period of intensive actions, which aim was to unify the Polish Workers' Party (Polish: Polska Partia Robotnicza, PPR) with the Polish Socialist Party (Polish: Polska Partia Socjalistyczna, PPS) and which the coping stone was the Unification Congress that was held from December 15th to December 21st, 1948. At this meeting the common organisation emerged under the name the Polish United Workers' Party (Polish: Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza, PZPR). The whole operation was carried out under a communist diktat, who took actions to weaken PPS through elimination of the internal opposition, implementation of submissive people to the management of the party, and absorption by PPR. The purpose of this article is to present the organization state of PPR and PPS in the period between 1947 and 1948, the interparty cooperation and the establishment of county structures of PZPR.
Dzieje Najnowsze
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2021
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vol. 53
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issue 2
203-215
EN
This review article discusses an edition of documents concerning the attitude of the interwar Polish Socialist Party (PPS) to the communist movement. The reviewed work is an ambitious undertaking, but it has many weaknesses resulting from, among other things, the method of selecting documents or the perspective adopted in the introduction. Therefore, it can be considered at best as an introduction to further research on this issue, and not a comprehensive and multidimensional picture of relations between the PPS and the Communist Workers’ Party of Poland (KPRP)/Communist Party of Poland (KPP).
PL
Niniejszy artykuł recenzyjny omawia edycję dokumentów dotyczącą stosunku międzywojennej PPS do ruchu komunistycznego. Recenzowana praca stanowi przedsięwzięcie ambitne, lecz ma wiele słabości, związanych m.in. ze sposobem doboru dokumentów czy perspektywą przyjętą we wstępie. Wobec tego można ją uznać co najwyżej za wstęp do dalszych badań nad tą problematyką, a nie całościowy i wielowymiarowy obraz stosunków pomiędzy PPS a KPRP/KPP.
EN
The article presents the results of historical and bibliological research, the aim of which is to reconstruct the history of the “Ignis” Publishing Society established by the Polish Socialist Party. The first part of the study presents the history of the publishing house reconstructed on the basis of scientific studies, memoirs and archival materials, as well as the compactness of the interwar press - bookselling and socio-cultural. The second part contains the results of quantitative and qualitative (structural) analysis of the publishing repertoire. This study is the first one in a series devoted to the activities of the PPS publishing house.
EN
The article presents the results of historical and bibliological research, which objective is to reconstruct the history of the Ignis publishing society established by the Polish Socialist Party (PPS). The rfist part of the study presents the history of the publishing house reconstructed on the basis of scientific studies, memoirs, and archival materials, as well as the compactness of the bookselling and socio-cultural press in the interwar period. The second part contains the results of quantitative and qualitative (structural) analysis of the publishing repertoire. This study is the first in a series devoted to the activities of the PPS publishing house.
EN
The licensed Polish Socialist Party (PPS) was active from September 1944 until its “reunification” with the Polish Workers’ Party in December 1948. According to the official propaganda narrative, the “Lublin” PPS was an independent party, having influence in the state apparatus, and it was concerned with the fate of the workers. It also made reference to the traditions (continuation) of the party established in 1892. The article presents the activity of this party from the point of view of the representatives of the authentic PPS in exile. One of them was the newspaper “Robotnik Polski w Wielkiej Brytanii” [Polish Worker in Great Britain], published in London and headed by Adam Ciołkosz, and the monthly “Światło” [Light], published in Paris by Editor-in-Chief Zygmunt Zaremba. The text discusses the history and authenticity of the “Lublin” PPS, its actual relations with the Polish Workers’ Party, the influence of this group in the state apparatus, intraparty differences and relations with western European parties.
PL
Koncesjonowana Polska Partia Socjalistyczna funkcjonowała od września 1944 r. do „zjednoczenia” z Polską Partią Robotniczą w grudniu 1948 r. W oficjalnej, propagandowej narracji „lubelska” PPS była partią samodzielną, posiadającą wpływy w aparacie państwowym, zatroskaną o los środowisk robotniczych. Powoływano się także na kontynuowanie tradycji ugrupowania założonego w 1892 r. W artykule została przedstawiona działalność tej partii z punktu widzenia emigracyjnych przedstawicieli autentycznej PPS. Jednym z nich był „Robotnik Polski w Wielkiej Brytanii”, wydawany w Londynie, na czele którego stał Adam Ciołkosz, oraz miesięcznik „Światło” wydawany w Paryżu przez redaktora naczelnego Zygmunta Zarembę. W tekście przedstawiono kwestie historii i autentyczności „lubelskiej” PPS, ich rzeczywistych relacji z Polską Partią Robotniczą, wpływu ugrupowania w aparacie państwowym, różnic wewnątrzpartyjnych oraz relacji z partiami zachodniej Europy.
EN
In the early years of Communist rule in Poland sport was not crucial for the emerging communist government. Legal reformation of that significant to an average citizen issue was not in the area of interest of either Polish Workers' Party, or of Polish Socialist Party. It was only after the latter party started to prevail that a breakthrough was finally made. Political wrangling of two parties' leaders - manifested in gross negligence and lack of consistency in action - caused further deterioration of the situation. Appointment of successive temporary posts, whose responsibilities - though seemingly clear - were not fulfilled, caused new problems. It would seem that the overriding goal of the authorities (apart from internal struggle) was to please the Soviet Union at all costs. Due to that, the situation of sport in Poland was not improved until 1948, despite several attempts.
EN
This text describes the genesis of the Provisional People's Government of the Republic of Poland, which was established in Lublin on the night of 6-7 November 1918. It details the incidents which took place in Lublin in the first days of November, but also broadly outlines the earlier events which made it possible to form the “Lublin Government”. The article also discusses the composition of the Government, headed at the time by Ignacy Daszyński, and its programme and postulates, and synthesises opinions on the role of the Government of Ignacy Daszyński in the further course of Polish history
RU
Текст раскрывает генезис создания Временного народного правительства Республики Польша, которое было создано в Люблине в ночь с 6 на 7 ноября 1918 г. В нем подробно представлены события, произошедшие в Люблине в первые дни ноября, а также в общих чертах описаны более ранние события, которые позволили сформировать «Люблинское правительство». В статье также рассматривается состав правительства во главе с Игнацием Дашиньским, его программа и постулаты, а также обобщаются мнения о роли правительства Дашиньского в дальнейшем ходе польской истории.
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