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The Militant Davidic Messiah and Violence against Rome: The Influence of Pompey on the Development of Jewish and Christian Messianism

100%
Atkinson K.
Scripta Judaica Cracoviensia
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2011
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vol. 9
7-19
EN
In 63 BCE the army of the Roman General Pompey the Great invaded ancient Palestine, destroyed part of the Jerusalem temple, and ended the nearly eighty-year-old Hasmonean state. The Romans thereafter ruled ancient Palestine either directly or through a series of client kings. The great Jewish War against the Romans of 66–70 CE was largely an effort to restore independent Jewish rule. The Jewish historian Josephus, who served as a general in this conflict, tells us that a messianic oracle inspired many Jews to take up arms against the Romans.1 This nearly five-year conflict ended with the Roman destruction of Jerusalem and the Jewish temple. Sixty-two years later, Simeon bar Kochba – presumed by many Jews to be the messiah – led Jewish rebels in a second ill-fated revolt against Roman rule. After this failed war, the Jewish community abandoned nationalism and the active hope that a messiah would violently overthrow their oppressors.
2

Collective Memory, Authorial Authority, and Civil War: Caesar on Dyrrachium (Bellum Civile, III,47–49)

100%
Chlup J. T.
Eirene. Studia Graeca et Latina
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2018
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vol. 54
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issue 1-2
131-154
EN
This paper examines an interesting facet of Caesar’s account of the events around Dyrrachium in his Bellum Civile, in which Caesar’s soldier recollect their past experiences as a means to cope with a difficult situation during their siege of Pompey’s forces. In so doing, they establish engagement with the past as a means by which they affirm their suitability to win the war. The use of memory of military experiences past (both the civil war and the Gallic campaign) by Caesar’s men, then Caesar himself, and the misuse of the same by the Pompeians, establishes that Caesar’s side is in the best position to win the war and, ultimately, to provide the official (historically valid) narrative of the civil war.
3
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Famae petitor. Lucan’s Portrayal of Pompey.

84%
Pypłacz J.
Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae
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2014
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vol. 24
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issue 2
97-118
PL
In spite of the fact that Lucan’s sympathies are apparently with the Republicans, his attitude to Pompey, which emerges from the Pharsalia, turns out to be rather critical. Moreover, this criticism actually comes very close to ridicule. Lucan depicts Pompey as a senile and narcissistic leader who dwells on his past success and lives in the world of his own fantasies. Trapped in the vicious circle of his delusions of grandeur, he is rather grotesque than majestic. The harder he tries to enhance his public image, the more pathetic he becomes both in the eyes of his friends and in those of his enemies. The effects of his efforts are, therefore, quite contrary to their purpose. On the one hand, the figure of the senile and deluded Pompey is the caricature of the decaying Roman Republic, whose degeneracy it obviously mirrors. On the other hand, however, Lucan’s grotesque anti-hero is the exact opposite of archetypal epic characters such as Virgil’s Aeneas. Willing yet unable to emulate his literary predecessors, he functions as the caricature of the literary paradigm of a standard epic hero.
4
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O teatrze Pompejusza. Addenda

67%
Iwaszkiewicz-Wronikowska B.
Vox Patrum
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2008
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vol. 52
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issue 1
317-332
EN
Autrice presenta attuale stato di studi sul Teatro di Pompeo, sul quale esiste un articolo di Stanislao Longosz, pubblicato nel „Vox Patrum” 20-23 (1991-1992) 253-278.
5
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Kilka uwag na temat mitu Romulusa w Farsalii Lukana

59%
Pypłacz J.
Biuletyn Biblioteki Jagiellońskiej
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2013
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vol. 63
231-238
EN
Although scholars have noted the presence of the myth of Romulus in the Pharsalia, it would seem that its role in Lucan’s epic is much more significant than has hitherto been thought, for — firstly — the strong association of Caesar with Romulus unveils the dark side of the ancient legend, and — secondly – it links those scenes in which Caesar plays the part of a “Neo-Romulus”. The scene in the seventh book of the poem — in which the corpses of the Pompeian soldiers killed at Pharsalus are torn to pieces by wild animals and in which vultures bespatter Caesar with the battle gore that drops from their wings — possibly alludes to the apocryphal version of the myth of Romulus — mentioned by Livy (Liv. 1, 16, 4) — according to which the founder of Rome was himself eventually torn to pieces by furious senators. It is therefore quite probable that this scene functions as an oraculum mortis foreshadowing the Ides of March, which Lucan may well have planned to include in his Pharsalia.
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