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EN
Following the economic crisis of 2007–2008, Hungarian politics turned dramatically to the right. In addition to the sweeping 2010 electoral victory of a two-thirds majority by the Fidesz party, a relatively recent upstart party, Jobbik, further yet to the right of Fidesz, also had a strong showing. This article explores the rise of Jobbik from deep nationalist, anti-Semitic and anti-Roma currents in Hungarian symbolic politics dating back to the last years of the 1980s and the early days of the 1990s. In its current form, Jobbik is more than a political party; through its direct action affiliates, its members engage in physical politics beyond the ballot box through acts of intimidation and violence. With its claims that it opposes liberalism, global capitalism, and Zionism, Jobbik is the face of a new illiberal politics in Europe that seeks to dismantle the project of the European Union.
EN
As part of a diplomatic tour to the United States in 2012, now ex-president of Argentina Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, gave a series of speeches at various institutions of higher learning. The Argentinean press covering the President’s visits coded their analysis following a melodramatic code reminiscent of popular serialized programming known in Latin America as telenovelas (Soap operas in the Anglo-American media context). Conservative and right leaning media outlets used the telenovela formula to construct Kirchner as a villain, due to her promotion of a populist participatory democracy in opposition to neoliberal economic policies. Journalists followed the Kirchner tour closely, and each of her visits were framed as episodes full of the genre’s markers with clearly delineated cliff-hangers, explosive revelations, and competing dichotomous characters. In order to understand the uses of melodramatic paradigm, I am proposing a close reading of the staging, performance and the speeches Kirchner held at Harvard University. I argue in this article that Kirchner employs the code of melodrama to speak to her constituents, but it is also her adversaries which frame a condemnation of the President using similarly structured telenovela paradigm. I am interested in addressing how the telenovela/ melodramatic code is appropriated by both opposing political sides and the implications this has on the television genre as a purveyor of political discourse.
EN
The research on populism and populist political communication in Lithuania is rather limited, regardless of the fact that populist movements and politicians are influential on national and local political levels; they also receive sufficient support from a significant share of the population. Because the Western European research tradition is concentrated on the challenges of right-wing populism, Lithuanian political scientists distinguish right-wing populism as more significant in comparison to left-wing populism. Although Lithuanian researchers note, that in the balance of the left-right wing populists, Lithuania stands out with the majority of left-wing populists, in comparison to the popularity and number of right-wing populists in neighbouring countries. Despite the interest of scholars in various fields of policy research in Lithuania, there is still a lack of research on populist political communication, and what interest does exist is mostly concentrated on analysis of practical issues within the political arena, e.g. the study of the processes of political elections. The analysis of populist political communication in Lithuania revealed that populism is a relatively oft-mentioned topic in Lithuanian scientific discourse, but in most cases remains on the margins of other research. The theoretical work presents the assumptions based on the analysis of the political situation in Lithuania and examples from other countries. The empirical research of populism is scarce, and in most cases based on content analysis of political documents and media reports.
EN
Populism has become a recurring issue in Japanese politics, particularly at the local level. In a time of general discontent with traditional politics and politicians, the prefectural governor, chief executive of the larger local government body and elected by popular suffrage, occupies a political office which seems to offer large opportunities for populist behaviors. In the past two decades, various governors have been labeled with the term ‘populist’ for political styles built on appeals to the people and the use of mass media. However, the diversity and continuous increase in the number of such situations may, , albeit sometimes in an extreme, deformed way, indicate the emergence of a new kind of democracy in Japan.
EN
In Central and Eastern Europe populist regimes are attracting attention as are sult of the traumatic legacy of communism, the subsequent overburdening reforms and exhausting systemic transformation, resurgence of ever-lurking nationalism, regional conservatism, parochialism and cultural chauvinism, and/or as an example of the structural shortcomings of young democracies at the borders of civilization. The subject literature also indicates numerous and universal elements of populist governments, present as well in this part of Europe. Without prejudging the aptness and strength of these various concepts and arguments, this article is an attempt to include in these wideranging themes a particular issue that absorbs conservative populists, namely “childhood” and “children”. While the problem of children in politics has already received numerous interpretations, the importance of childhood in the right-wing populist discourse and politics has so far remained an issue discussed only occasionally. We put forward the thesis that children play an important and specific role in the right-wing populist superstructure - they constitute an illusory picture of the nation, an allegory of its renewal, as well as a convenient, though inconsistently used, instrument for achieving political, ideological and propaganda goals. Attitudes towards children can be an important characteristic of populism as such, and should be taken into account in research on the subject. We will illustrate these problems using the example of Poland and the populist Law and Justice (PiS) Party that is in power there now.
EN
This paper analyzes government communications in Venezuela under the administration of Hugo Chávez, whose focal point is the “Bolivarian Revolution”. The communications model is heavily characterized by populism and personality politics, as concluded when analyzing three significant moments for the democratic governability of Hugo Chávez’s administration: his ratification or re‑election in office in the years 2000, 2004 and 2006. The elaboration of public policy plans in presidential addresses was studied given the importance of communications within government strategies.
EN
The migration crisis in the European Union brought about serious repercussions for immigration policies of the Scandinavian countries. Their governments, under pressure from nationalist, populist and anti-immigration political parties and movements, allowed for renationalisation of security mechanisms as a method of risk management in the face of the external migratory pressure. Referring to the concepts of Beck and Fode, this author puts forward a thesis that security renationalisation has been the result of ineffectiveness of compensatory mechanisms introduced to the internal policies of the Scandinavian countries as a result of Europeanisation of their security policies as well as a cosmopolitan approach to global migration governance. The arguments refer to the evolution of the party systems, anti-immigration changes in domestic laws of these countries and cultural tensions.
EN
The European Union, a unique entity on the global scene, is at a crossroads. The original blueprint to create a supranational entity is broken, under the pressure of the constitutional crisis (2005) and later the economic and financial one (the spectre of Grexit). The process sped up in 2014, when external security appeared on the agenda, followed by an unprecedented migrant wave coming to the EU in 2015. As a result, former Euroenthusiasm has been replaced by Euroskeptic forces, mostly of populist or nationalist nature, which was strongly confi rmed by the British Brexit vote in June 2016. Those accumulated crises brought about many new division lines within the EU, well defined in this study – of political, economic, social, and even religious or cultural nature. The liberal mainstream, which has been dominant until recently, is retreating, while ‘illiberal democracy’, however it is understood, or even authoritarian solutions, are starting to flourish. This is an extraordinary era when the entire project of European integration is at stake. Time to react and sacrifice a lot to save it, if we do not want to retreat under the new challenges surrounding us. According to the author, the EU can be saved, even if it will be different than before.
PL
Populizm od dekad stanowi jeden z niemal stałych elementów latynoamerykańskiego krajobrazu politycznego. Przywódcy określani mianem populistycznych bardzo często w centrum swojej agendy politycznej stawiają kwestie społeczne, w tym walkę z ubóstwem. Stąd pojawia się pytanie, czy populizm może mieć wpływ na kształtowanie się określonej polityki społecznej, a jeżeli tak to jaki? Niniejszy artykuł analizuje relacje pomiędzy zjawiskiem populizmu a strategiami prowadzenia polityki społecznej w Ameryce Łacińskiej na przykładzie wenezuelskich programów społecznych, Misiones, implementowanych podczas rządów Hugo Chaveza
EN
Since decades populism has remained one of the almost unchangeable features of Latin American political landscape. Leaders, labelled as populist, very often establish social issues, including fight against poverty, in the centre of their political agenda. Hence, it appears a question whether populism can have an influence on shaping particular social policy, and if yes, what kind of the policy? This article analyses relations between the populism phenomenon and the strategies of conducting social policy in Latin America on the example of Venezuelan social programmes, Misiones, implemented during the Hugo Chávez’s rule.
EN
Liberal capitalist democracy is a universal socio-political project of our age. But this project is in crisis and in decline. The current crisis of democracy caused by the Darwinist spirit of the late capitalist order only proves that democracy is an instrument for strengthening the dominant positions of the ruling liberal elites. In other words, democracy, in particular liberal democracy as a hegemonic form of the contemporary global democratic project, functions as a formal ideological-instrumental framework for the reproduction of the dominant position of a ruling class serving the interests of the few, not the many. In this way, anti-democratic sentiments among the masses are fuelled almost everywhere in both Western and non-Western cultures where political elites have assumed a formal democratic mask. Furthermore, the existing crisis of the Western liberal democratic project has given crucial benefits for the revival of anti-elitist populism in the contemporary world. The goal of this paper is to critically examine the fate of democracy in modern times as well as to shed light once again on the crisis of the liberal conception of democracy, including its concomitant pathologies, resistances, and political and social consequences.  
EN
This article discusses the response of the Church in Poland to the phenomenon of populism, especially to the populist style of politics. The classification of the political opponents as the enemies treated as such and the aversion to strangers (migrants and refugees) are two characteristics of this style. The author analyses the letter of Polish bishops on the patriotism „The Christian form of patriotism” and the reaction of the Church in Poland to the contemporary migration crisis in Europe. The first part of the article shows the phenomenon of populism as a form of political discourse close to the demagogy. This article should be considered as an introduction to the very complex matter which requires further systematic consideration.
PL
Przedmiotem artykułu jest odpowiedź Kościoła w Polsce na zjawisko populizmu, a w szczególności na populistyczny styl w polityce. Za jego punkty charakterystyczne przyjęto traktowanie oponentów politycznych w kategoriach wrogów oraz niechęć do obcych (migrantów i uciekinierów). W realizacji celów badawczych poddano analizie list biskupów polskich o patriotyzmie Chrześcijański kształt patriotyzmu oraz reakcję Kościoła w Polsce na współczesny kryzys migracyjny w Europie. W pierwszej części artykułu ukazano zjawisko populizmu, traktując go jako formę politycznego dyskursu bliską demagogii. Niniejsze opracowanie należy traktować jako wprowadzenie do bardzo złożonej problematyki, która domaga się dalszej systematycznej refleksji.
DE
Das Thema des Artikels betrifft die Reaktionen der Kirche in Polen auf das Phänomen des Populismus und insbesondere auf den populistischen Politikstil, der durch zwei Merkmale charakterisiert wurde: Klassifizierung und des politischen Gegners als „Feind” oder gar „Verräter” und Ablehnung von Fremden (Migranten und Flüchtlinge). Bei der Umsetzung der Ziele der Forschung wurde den Brief der polnischen Bischofskonferenz mit dem Titel „Die christliche Gestalt des Patriotismus” und die Antwort der Kirche in Polen auf die aktuelle Migrationskrise in Europa analysiert. Der erste Teil des Artikels zeigt das Phänomen des Populismus und behandelt es als eine Form des politischen Diskurses ähnlich Demagogie. Dieser Beitrag ist als Einführung in eine sehr komplexe Problematik zu betrachten, die weiterer systematischer Reflexion bedarf.
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