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1

Opis świątyni Mądrości Bożej w Konstantynopolu Prokopiusza z Cezarei – między historiografią a retoryką

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Garnczarska M.

Saeculum Christianum. Pismo Historyczne

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2016

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vol. 1

36-47

EN

The sixth-century historian Procopius of Caesarea described the church of Hagia Sophia in Constantinople in his treatise „Περὶ κτισμάτων” (“On Buildings”). The text about Hagia Sophia is the only surviving historical source for the original Justinianic edifice before the collapse of its first dome in 558. This detailed and elaborate description of the church is an example of ekphrasis. Ekphrasis is a rhetorical technique which makes the described object visible. In this paper I will attempt to analyse how far Procopius' description is a rhetorical exercise, and how far it is a trustworthy historical source.

2

Procopius on the Religion of the Early Slavs: Comparison with Other Barbarians

100%

Drapelova P. G.

Studia Ceranea

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2021

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vol. 11

177-200

EN

The works of Procopius of Caesarea are generally perceived as one of the earliest and main Byzantine sources on culture of the early Slavs. Its various passages have repeatedly become subject of numerous interpretations and hypotheses. The present article adopts a different approach to this material and compares the information on the religion of the Sclavenes and the Antes with the beliefs of other barbarian groups mentioned by Procopius. The study demonstrates that the sentences on early Slavic religion are rather unique in Procopius’s works especially in respect to the variety of his topics. Furthermore, the evidence indicates that the most similar elements in his descriptions of religious practices connect the early Slavs and the inhabitants of the island of Thule. This does not mean, however, that they were perceived as related by Procopius as there are no similarities in the description of other cultural specificities. The textual evidence nevertheless indicates that Procopius described the religious practices of these two groups in similar terms.

3

Herulian Settlements in Byzantium under Emperors Anastasius and Justinian

75%

Turlej S.

Electrum

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2013

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vol. 20

163–176

EN

The aim of this article is to draw attention to the need to intensify historical research on Herulian settlements in Byzantium under Emperors Anastasius and Justinian based on the analysis of written sources. The starting point for studying the history of the Heruli in Late Antiquity should be a historical analysis of the excursus devoted to them by Procopius of Caesarea in the book VI Wars. As a result of a historical analysis based on literal interpretation and critical examination, taking into account legal circumstances and the historical context, it can greatly contribute to our knowledge of Herulian history. To sum up the results of the conducted research, it is possible to give quite a precise description of the relations between the empire and the Heruli based on an analysis of the accounts of Procopius of Caesarea and Marcellinus Comes. In 512, Emperor Anastasius settled the tribe on the empire’s lands. Taking advantage of their diffi cult situation, he probably forced them into full subordination. It seems that the Heruli, deprived of their tribal organisation and striving to keep their independence, rebelled and attacked the Romans at the fi rst opportunity, i.e. ca. 514. The imperial army managed to defeat them as early as 515 or 516, and Anastasius refused to give them the status of allies, i.e. improve their position. In this situation it seems most likely that the empire completely broke its ties with the Heruli and the tribe left the empire’s lands. At this stage of the analysis it is diffi cult to determine to what extent Procopius was aware of the nuances of Anastasius’ policy, as his account of the Herulian migration in search of new lands is very brief and schematic. All the details he provides, apart from the information about the Heruli crossing the Danube River on their own initiative, are in complete agreement with the reconstruction of events based on Marcellinus Comes’ mention. Only after completing the analysis of Procopius’ whole account on the Heruli will it be possible to formulate conclusions about its reliability and the sources he used.

4

„Plaga Justyniana” jako „dzieło Boga” w relacji Prokopiusza z Cezarei

51%

Piechocka-Kłos M.

Nurt SVD

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2021

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issue 1

178-198

PL

Dzisiaj słowa: choroba zakaźna, zaraza, plaga, epidemia, pandemia budzą strach i przerażenie. Nie inaczej było w przeszłości. Celem niniejszej pracy jest spojrzenie na „plagę Justyniana”, nękającą świat w VI wieku, oczami Prokopiusza z Cezarei. Bizantyjski historyk w roku 542 przebywał w Konstantynopolu, gdzie dżuma pochłonęła tysiące ofiar. Prokopiusz, wzorując się prawdopodobnie na Tukidydesie, opisał przyczyny, przebieg oraz skutki zarazy, zbierającej śmiertelne żniwo za czasów panowania Justyniana. Historyk odniósł się również do cesarza i jego działań w walce ze skutkami choroby. Dalsze badania pozwoliły odpowiedzieć na pytanie, czy Prokopiusz postrzegał tę chorobę racjonalnie, czy metafizycznie; czy uważał (jak Hippokrates), że jest ona skutkiem zaistnienia czynników naturalnych, czy raczej jawi mu się jako „dzieło Boga”. Z uwagi na tytuł artykułu celowo pominięto inne relacje na temat epidemii z VI wieku, pochodzące m.in. od Agatiasza, Ewagriusza Scholastyka, Jana z Efezu oraz Grzegorza z Tours i Pawła Diakona.

EN

Today, the words infectious disease, plague, epidemic and pandemic inspire fear and terror. It was not different in the past. The purpose of this work is to look at the “plague of Justinian” that plagued the world in the 6th century through the eyes of Procopius of Caesarea. The Byzantine historian was in Constantinople in 542, where the plague claimed thousands of lives. Procopius, probably following the example of Thucydides, described the causes, course and effects of the plague that took a deadly toll during the reign of Justinian. The historian also referred to the emperor and his actions in the fight against the effects of the disease. Further research allowed to answer the question whether Procopius perceived this disease rationally or metaphysically; whether he believed (like Hippocrates) that it was the result of natural factors, or was it “God’s work”? Due to the title of the article, other reports on the epidemic from the 6th century, such as from Agathias, Evargius Scholastica, John of Ephesus and Gregory of Tours and Paul the Deacon.

5

Kilka uwag o dwóch opowieściach o zwycięstwie Longobardów nad Herulami (Paweł Diakon, Historia Langobardorum, I, 20 i Prokopiusz z Cezarei, De Bellis, VI, 14)

51%

Kasperski R.

Studia Źródłoznawcze. Commentationes

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2017

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vol. 55

PL

A few remarks on two stories about the Lombards victory over Heruls (Paul the Deacon, Historia Langobardorum, 1:20, and Procopius of Caesarea, De Bellis, 6:14)The article presents an analysis of two narratives of the war between the Heruls and the Lombards fought in 508. Leaving aside any attempts to see “how it really was” with the course of the conﬂict, the author focuses on a narrative side of the story written by Procopius of Caesarea and Paul the Deacon. The accounts of both authors are subjected to one main idea: that the victory depended neither on the size and strength of the army, nor the courage of the troops, but was the result of God’s decision to support one of the sides. In the version presented by Procopius, God in the form of a black cloud took side with the Lombards, who with a sense of profound humility wanted to avoid military conﬂict to the end, and were forced to go to war. The defeat of the Heruls was their punishment for initiating the war without any just reason. In the version presented by Paul the Deacon the defeat of the Heruls was the punishment for the arrogance of their king and the contempt this soldiers felt for the Lombardian troops.

6

Żołnierze Justyniana w Afryce – okupanci czy wyzwoliciele?

45%

Stachura M.

Przegląd Historyczno-Wojskowy

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2022

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vol. XXIII (LXXIV)

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issue 4(282)

67-95

EN

The conquest of the Vandal state by the army of Emperor Justinian is sometimes regarded as the retaking of former Roman provinces and the liberation of the Roman population from foreign rule. However, the Roman commanders operating in those territories did not consider the loyalty of the local inhabitants as something obvious. In fact, they had undertaken several measures aimed at gaining favour with the future subjects of the Roman Empire. The goal of this article is to trace the actions undertaken by the Roman military and administrative authorities towards the civilian population in the recaptured territories as a consequence of the Roman campaign in Africa, as well as the popular response, especially in relation to its possible significance to the course of the military operations in question. The study concentrates not only on the campaign of 533 A.D., but also takes into account the subsequent 15 years of conflicts, during which Roman rule over the recaptured territories became more stable and consolidated.

DE

Die Eroberung des Vandalenstaates durch das Heer von Kaiser Justinian wird manchmal als Rückgewinnung der ehemaligen römischen Provinzen und als Befreiung der römischen Bevölkerung von der Fremdherrschaft gesehen. Die römischen Befehlshaber, die in diesem Gebiet operierten, nahmen die Loyalität der Einheimischen jedoch keineswegs als selbstverständlich hin, sondern unternahmen eine Reihe von Maßnahmen, um die Gunst der künftigen Untertanen des Reiches zu gewinnen. Ziel dieses Aufsatzes ist es, sowohl die Handlungen der römischen Armee und Verwaltung gegenüber der Zivilbevölkerung im afrikanischen Kriegsgebiet als auch deren Reaktion, insbesondere in Bezug auf die Durchführung von militärischen Operationen, nachzuzeichnen. In meinen Überlegungen konzentriere ich mich nicht nur auf den Feldzug von 533, sondern betrachte auch die folgenden 15 Kriegsjahre, in denen sich die römische Herrschaft über die zurückgewonnenen Gebiete stabilisierte.

PL

Podbój państwa Wandalów przez armię cesarza Justyniana postrzegany bywa jako odzyskanie dawnych rzymskich prowincji i wyzwolenie rzymskiej ludności spod obcego panowania. Tymczasem rzymscy dowódcy działający na tym terenie nie traktowali lojalności miejscowych jako rzeczy oczywistej, przeciwnie, podjęli wiele działań mających pozyskać przychylność przyszłych poddanych Cesarstwa. Artykuł ma na celu prześledzenie zarówno działań rzymskiej armii i administracji wobec ludności cywilnej na afrykańskim obszarze działań wojennych, jak i jej reakcji, w szczególności w wymiarze mającym znaczenie dla przebiegu wojskowych operacji. W swoich rozważaniach skupiam się nie tylko na kampanii 533 r., ale biorę też pod uwagę kolejnych 15 lat wojen, podczas których stabilizowała się władza rzymska nad odzyskanymi terenami.

7

Walka Wschodu i Zachodu w literaturze greckiej od Herodota do Prokopiusza z Gazy

38%

Polański T.

Vox Patrum

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2003

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vol. 44

329-351

EN

Herodotus presented the conflicts between Europe and Asia on both the mythological and historical level and made them one of the main structural and ideological components of his work. The idea of war against the Achaemenids interpreted as central to the Greek historical destiny returned time and again in the Greek letters, always blended with the symptomatic feeling of superiority and simplified standard view of the Orientals. (Euripides, Xenophon of Athens, Plato, Isocrates). The efforts to unite the Greeks and Macedonians with the Orientals which were undertaken by Alexander the Great, found little understanding among the Greeks (Plutarch). His myth as a conqueror of Asia became an ideological trap of the Hellenic as well as Roman historical thinking (Cassius Dio). Renewed and unsuccessful efforts to follow Aiexander's steps brought interesting literary testimonies shaped by collective experiences of the insuperable climate, the fear of the epidemics, and confrontation with cunning, cruel and elusive adversaries (Plutarch, Procopius of Caesarea). The Greek literary testimonies had their alter ego in the Eastern prophetic writings, which expressed hostility towards the Greeks and Romans and predicted a final victory for the East over the West (Oracula Sibyllina, The Oracle of the Potter, The Oracle of Hystaspes). In the Wars of Procopius of Caesarea a pessimistic, purely militarist view came to the surface. It said that the loyalty of the Orientals could be secured only through the use of military power. In that period we also observe a factor of religious inspiration in the war propaganda on both sides (Procopius of Caesarea, Georgios Pisides).

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