Search results

1

Odrodilci, zrádci, vrazi v bílých pláštích. Obraz „Žida“ jako „nepřítele“ v propagandě pozdního stalinismu

100%

Šimová K.

Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)

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2014

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issue 1-2

11-43

EN

When Stalinism was at its peak, between 1948 and 1953, there was a marked escalation in anti-Jewish manifestations by the Soviet régime, which has often been called ‘state’, ‘official’, or ‘Stalinist’ antisemitism. This article endeavours to provide an account of this by analysing the image of the ‘Jew’ in the propaganda of the time. The basis for the analysis is the concept of the ‘image of the enemy’ as a basic figure of the totalitarian ideological canon. The article races the way in which the image was filled with meanings linked with the term ‘Jew’. To this end, the author employs semiotic textual analysis, which enables her gradually to uncover the character of the signs in the propagandistic language. She focuses on two propaganda campaigns that dominated the Soviet public space in this period. One was against so-called ‘cosmopolitanism’, from January to March 1949; the other was the so-called ‘Doctor’s Plot’ from January to March 1953. This method enables her to provide evidence of the anti-Jewish orientation of the campaigns, which have so far been deduced chiefly from quantitative lists of acts of repression against specific individuals of Jewish descent. Analysis of the semantic field of the image of the ‘Jew’ then reveals the mechanisms that, because of the many layers of the sign character of this image, were used to provide reasons for the home and foreign policies of he Soviet régime, as well as to justify its problems at home and abroad. The last part of the article consists in conclusions that the author finds applicable to Czechoslovakia at that time.

2

Kontakty sportowe PRL-NRD ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem współpracy przygranicznej

100%

Godlewski P.

Rocznik Lubuski

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2012

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vol. 38

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issue 1

77-99

EN

Cooperation in sports between Poland and GDR was the cooperation of two totalitarian countries, which made this realm of social life an important tool in domestic and interna- tional politics. Sport was to play an important role in propaganda, showing the progress in this field as a significant factor of civilization development. Moreover, in GDR it was used as one of the main factors shaping the GDR’s national identity in the internatio- nal arena. The forty-year collaboration was parallel to sports armaments race between the countries belonging to antagonistic political blocks. The basis of cooperation were bilateral agreements and decisions of local party and government authorities. The main objective of sport cooperation between Poland and GDR was, apart from educational reasons, the realization of common politics with respect to the international sports mo- vement within the countries of the socialist camp. The German side was particularly keen on Polish support for sports rivalry with FRG. Formalized procedures were not conducive to the process of authentic close-up. Imposed, politically opportunistic cooperation did not bring the expected results. What is more, the imposed friendship between Polish and German sportsmen ended in a fiasco. However, the cooperation also brought significant benefits, including good relationships between border towns and regions of Poland and Eastern Germany. Moreover, it needs to be emphasized that as far as many disciplines are concerned, the sport in GDR was undoubtedly ahead of the sport in Poland, and the mutual relationship resulted in tangible effects of training.

PL

Współpraca PRL z NRD w sporcie była kooperacją dwóch państwach totalitarnych, w których tę dziedzinę życia społecznego uczyniono ważnym narzędziem polityki wewnętrznej i międzynarodowej. Sport pełnić miał istotną rolę propagandową, ukazując postępy w tej dziedzinie jako ważny czynnik rozwoju cywilizacyjnego. W NRD wykorzystywany był dodatkowo jako jeden z głównych czynników kształtujących tożsamość państwową NRD na arenie międzynarodowej. Na czterdziestoletnią współpracę nakładał się jednocześnie wyścig zbrojeń sportowych pomiędzy państwami antagonistycznych bloków politycznych. Podstawą współpracy były umowy bilateralne i decyzje lokalnych władz partyjno-rządowych. Głównym celem współpracy sportowej pomiędzy PRL a NRD, obok względów szkoleniowych, była realizacja wspólnej polityki w ramach państw obozu socjalistycznego w stosunku do międzynarodowego ruchu sportowego. Stronie niemieckiej szczególnie zależało na poparciu Polski w rywalizacji sportowej z RFN. Sformalizowane procedury nie sprzyjały procesowi autentycznego zbliżenia. Narzucona, koniunkturalna politycznie współpraca nie dała spodziewanych rezultatów, fiaskiem zakończyła się także wymuszona przyjaźni sportowców PRL i NRD. Współpraca przyniosła także istotne pożytki, w śród nich dobre relacje pomiędzy przygranicznymi miastami i okręgami Polski i Niemiec wschodnich. Należy również podkreślić, że NRD-owski sport niewątpliwie wyprzedzał w wielu dyscyplinach sport polski, a wzajemne kontakty przynosiły wymierne efekty szkoleniowe.

3

Gesellschaftspsychologische Ursachen der Attraktivität des Nationalsozialismus – ein polnischer Standpunkt

100%

Wichert W.

Studia Maritima

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2012

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vol. 25

101-111

PL

Zjawisko faszyzmu do dziś inspiruje rzesze uczonych, którzy nadal nie są jednak w stanie udzielić w pełni satysfakcjonującej i jednoznacznej odpowiedzi na temat jego istoty. Wielość naukowych interpretacji narodowego socjalizmu, które pojawiły się już w okresie istnienia III Rzeszy, przede wszystkim jednak po 1945 roku, w historiografii zachodniej, a także w badaniach polskich, wciąż nie dają jednoznacznej odpowiedzi na temat powodów sukcesu Hitlera, wewnętrznej stabilności oraz społecznej atrakcyjności jego reżimu. Jedną z najnowszych koncepcji opisujących fenomen nazizmu jest teoria modernizacji, która w polskiej historiografii została opracowana przez germanistę Huberta Orłowskiego. Stanowi ona pokłosie głośnego w zachodnioniemieckiej nauce „sporu historyków” w latach 1985–1987, który koncentrował się na zagadnieniu porównywalności bądź wyjątkowości nazistowskiej polityki eksterminacji Żydów. Zdaniem historyka Henryka Olszewskiego owa polemika zakończyła się zwycięstwem argumentacji naukowej nad polityczną, rewizjonistyczną, która chciała zrelatywizować problem niemieckiej odpowiedzialności za masowe zbrodnie. W narracji „modernizacyjnej”, reprezentowanej zwłaszcza przez takich historyków RFN, jak Rainer Zitelmann, Frank Bajohr, Detlev Peukert, Werner Johe, Uwe Lohalm czy Götz Aly, chodzi przede wszystkim o ukazanie janusowego oblicza III Rzeszy, która była mieszaniną niejednokrotnie przeciwstawnych tendencji, nowoczesnych oraz konserwatywnych czy wręcz reakcyjnych pod względem społecznym i politycznym. W sensie polityki społecznej protagoniści tej teorii zwracali uwagę, iż państwo Hitlera było wariantem państwa opiekuńczego, tyle że o zabarwieniu totalitarnym, co w polskiej nauce opisywał już w latach siedemdziesiątych ubiegłego wieku Franciszek Ryszka, który stwierdził, iż III Rzesza nie produkowała jedynie armat, lecz również masło. W najnowszych badaniach wskazuje się, iż polityka ludobójstwa realizowana przez dyktaturę była ściśle skorelowana z osiągnięciem faktycznego dobrobytu i czerpaniem materialnych korzyści z mordu na ludności żydowskiej przez niemieckie społeczeństwo w czasie wojny. W ostatnich latach powraca się również do traktowania hitleryzmu jako zjawiska natury psychologicznej, którego powstanie i sukcesy były efektem fobii, nadziei oraz ambicji narodu niemieckiego, trwającego z dyktatorem w swoistej symbiozie „na śmierć i życie” aż do katastrofy roku 1945.

4

The Narratives of Topos: Eva Leitolf’s Deutsche Bilder – eine Spurensuche (1992–2008) and Postcards from Europe (since 2006)

100%

Duarte G. A., Leitolf E.

Review of International American Studies

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2022

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vol. 15

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issue 2

25-47

EN

Around the turn of the century, the notion of topos (τόπος) underwent an interesting and necessary transformation. Presumably due to the popularization of digital technology, scholars started to progressively uncover the complex nature of the word by expanding on its general meaning as it pertains to the sphere of speech. This phenomenon granted to narratives some spatial characteristics, and at the same time brought into the light an old and critical relationship between text and image. In the form of a conversation, this essay deals with this critical relationship between text and image, and the way this conflictual relationship shapes social imaginaries, propaganda, and automatisms when representing social events. The essay will address these questions through an analysis of a series of pictures that had a great impact on Latin America’s social imaginary.

5

Propaganda w służbie reżimu — autoportret dyktatury frankistowskiej

100%

Różycki B.

Historia i Polityka

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2011

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vol. 5(12)

177-197

EN

When general Francisco Franco took over the reign in Spain a period called Francist dictatorship began. Propaganda began to be used on a large scale, starting with the indoctrination of the journalists to make them represent “the truth” convenient for the national authorities in their material. A positive image of the regime was made also directly through organizing lavish national celebrations such as army parades. The actions were taken in such a manner, that Franco was portrayed as a brave, strong, eminent leader. Often, inconvenient information was hidden only to not destroy the ideally planned nation’s image in the eyes of Spanish society. However, the greatest propaganda influence had the Cinematographic Documents Chronicle, which aim was to inform about the local and world events, whose materials were often untrue and broadcasted with delay.

6

Desperate measures or creativity? BUF propaganda techniques

89%

Drábik J.

Dvacáté století - The Twentieth Century

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2017

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vol. 9

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issue 1

9-17

XX

Significant proportion of the British Union of fascists’ (BUF) members were convinced that the existential threats to the nation and civilisation are hard facts and adopting fascism as the form of government was an absolute necessity for the survival of the British nation. This faith and devotion to the cause expressed itself in the enthusiasm for the cause, readiness for self-sacrifice and very active propagating of the ideas. Troubled by the lack of finance and resources, BUF members came with a variety of propaganda techniques, which demonstrate their commitment to and enthusiasm for fascism. Some ideas were very creative, some we could consider desperate. This article focuses on the BUF’s propaganda machinery and is describing some of the not very common propaganda techniques that BUF used.

CS

Významná část členů Britské unie fašistů (BUF) byla přesvědčena, že existenční hrozby pro národ a celou západní civilizaci jsou tvrdá fakta a že nastolení fašismu jako formy vlády bylo absolutní nevyhnutelností, aby britský národ přežil. Jejich přesvědčení a oddanost těmto myšlenkám se projevila v entuziasmu, připravenosti obětovat se pro prospěch hnutí a velice aktivní propagaci myšlenek fašismu. Hnutí však po celou dobu své existence zápasilo s finančními problémy, a tak byli jeho členové nuceni přijít s různými, často velice inovativními propagandistickými technikami. I to demonstruje jejich entuziasmus a odhodlání. Některé z těchto nápadů a technik byly velice kreativní, jiné naopak zoufalé. Tato studie se zaměřuje na propagandistickou mašinerii BUF a popisuje různé, ne zcela běžné formy propagandistických technik, jaké hnutí používalo.

7

Komisja Prasowa KC PZPR 1956–1957

89%

Przeperski M.

Polska 1944/45-1989. Studia i Materiały

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2016

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issue 14

EN

In 1955–1956 the communist system underwent deep erosion, and one of the most important and evident signs of it was decreased control the party exercised over propaganda. This gave the press wide readership, and made some of journalists feel as representatives of the people. Władysław Gomułka’s coming to power began a process of consolidation of the system and regaining of stability – this applied to the whole system, including propaganda. The Press Committee of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party was meant as a concession to journalists: they were given a forum to formulate in which they could legally formulate their postulates for the price of loyalty to Gomułka. From the very beginning, however, the journalists who were members of the Press Committee and the party leaders had diverging interests. This made the actual activity of the Committee very limited. The political subjectivity of journalists was brutally challenged in the autumn of 1957, which was marked by a symbolic closure of the weekly Po Prostu. The Press Committee underwent a fundamental restructuring and its tasks changed. But a period of several months of its existence makes an important contribution to the political history of the press and propaganda in the Polish People’s Republic.

PL

Na podstawie obszernych kwerend archiwalnych przede wszystkim dokumentów KC PZPR i SDP autor przedstawia monograficzne ujęcie dziejów Komisji Prasowej KC PZPR w latach 1956–1957. Jej faktyczna aktywność była ściśle związana z bieżącą polityką wewnętrzną prowadzoną przez Władysława Gomułkę i stanowi ważny przyczynek do politycznej historii prasy i propagandy w PRL.

8

Československá propaganda ve 30. letech 20. století. Nesnadná cesta k vytvoření ministerstva propagandy

88%

Pehr M.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

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2013

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vol. 5

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issue 2

57-76

EN

This paper examines the rising significance of propaganda after the First World War and focuses in particular on how it was perceived in Czechoslovakia in the 1930s. The increasing danger posed by neighboring Nazi Germany elevated it to a conscious effort to use spiritual means to control the masses in order tohelp defend democratic Czechoslovakia. The paper analyzes the era’s ideas on the significance of propaganda. It focuses on discussions on the relationship between propaganda and democracy, and attempts to create a ministry of propaganda in a democratic state. Propaganda was described as an all-powerful weapon that does not kill, but is comparable with other weapons. At the time, political propaganda as such had a dual meaning – state propaganda and democratic propaganda. The paper analyzes the ideas about the significance of propaganda and how to reform it. The main question was what form should it take in a democratic system? The paper also acknowledges the Czechoslovak experts, journalists and sociologists Oskar Butter, Alfred Fuchs, Jiří Solar, Vilém Práger and others, who contributed to the scientific study of propaganda. It also focuses on discussions about the relationship between propaganda and democracy, and attempts to create a ministry of propaganda in a democratic state when these efforts came up against opinions that democracy as an ideal system of government does not need any propaganda, and that propaganda is also something unbecoming, used only by totalitarian regimes for their selfadvancement. These opinions were overcome gradually and with difficulty, which is reflected in the case of the above-mentioned ministry of propaganda, created during the political crisis in the fall of 1938. This study reveals that the relevant political currents acknowledged the need to propagate Czechoslovakia and its democratic system, but disagreed on how to undertake and organize the propaganda. There were also disagreements on the leadership and influence of similar types of institutions. The decisive political powers were unwilling to concentrate radio and press under one agency until the deep international crisis struck.

9

Tzv. práce s dětmi jako součást socialistické mimoškolní výchovy v 50. a 60. letech

88%

Knapík J.

Historica: revue pro historii a příbuzné vědy (Historica: Review in history and related sciences)

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2017

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vol. 8

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issue 2

197-215

EN

The activities of the so-called work with children was a part of Socialist extracurricular education which was further augmented by founding unique facilities for children of pioneer age. The paper describes the profile of selected events and their conceptual changes during the 1950s and 1960s.

10

The New Digital Divide: Disinformation and Media Literacy in the U.S.

88%

Hicks-Goldston C., Applebaum Ritchart A.

Media Literacy and Academic Research

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2019

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vol. 2

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issue 1

49-60

EN

This research addresses the impact of disinformation and media illiteracy on civil discourse and informed societal activity in the United States. The research provides analysis of the conditions surrounding disinformation and media illiteracy, as well one proposed solution for the problem: a media literacy educational program for both digital and non-digital natives via an international alliance of experts. Initially, the „Digital Divide“ of the early 21st century referenced individuals unable to access digital information with the same efficiency as those individuals in a household with a personal computer. In 2007, the introduction of smart phone technology transformed some of the Digital Divide population by providing information previously restricted to individuals with PC access to anyone who owned a phone. However, frequency of use is not the equivalent of mastery or thorough understanding. In 2016, the disinformation campaigns surrounding the U.S. presidential election, and later popular culture campaigns such as supposed controversy surrounding Disney’s The Last Jedi, emerged as foreign interference with American culture exploiting cultural divides. This research addresses two things: (1) Recognition of a caveat to the Knowledge Gap Theory in 21st century media interaction; and (2) Creation of a media literacy educational program via an international coalition for the sole purpose of combating disinformation..

11

Pařížská univerzita a husité v letech 1428–1429. Františku Šmahelovi k jeho životnímu jubileu

75%

Coufal D.

Mediaevalia Historica Bohemica

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2015

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vol. 18

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issue 1

205-235

EN

The study analyses the Exhortation (exhortatio) of the University of Paris from 14 December 1428, which appeals to its readers to wait no longer, face the expanding Hussitism and insist on the convocation of a general council. Other than the content, it notices the formalities of the document, its sources, the historical context and primarily the circumstances of its preservation, which opens a path to new essential knowledge. It briefly introduces the four as-yet known copies of the exhortation from the 15th century and deals in more detail with the Berlin manuscript Theol. lat. qu. 323. In it, the exhortation is included in a collection of writings, which have the character of a form collection and which are related to the history of the University of Paris in the 1420s. Since it is an as-yet unexamined source, the author determines in the form of an investigation some details of its character and besides the exhortation notices the other texts with a relation to Hussitism in more detail. As the introductory section attributes the stylization of the entire collection to the French scholar Nicholas of Clemanges (†1437), the author of the study in the case of the mentioned Bohemical texts examines the likelihood of that claim. He also briefly indicates its contents, dating and its possible historical anchoring. A critical edition of the Parisian exhortation is attached to the study.

12

POCZĄTKI REWOLUCJI W IRANIE I KONFLIKT W RELACJACH IRAŃSKO-AMERYKAŃSKICH W ŚWIETLE PROPAGANDY POLSKICH KOMUNISTÓW

75%

Maj E.

Colloquium Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych AMW

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2015

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issue 3

105-123

EN

The revolution in Iran began under anti – imperialist and national slogans against Mohammad Reza Pahlavi single rules, and ended with the advent of the new dictatorship of religious circles. The United States and Western Europe approved the change of power in Iran, fearing of the Communist influence. What is more, PRL newspapers put a sign of equality between the U.S. policy in Iran and the rule of the Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, stressing that the U.S. will accept each and every amendment on the Iranian political scene in order to safeguard the interests in the Middle East. Iranian-American relations in the Polish press were characterized by complexity and uncertainty resulting from the presenting the United States as a declining leader of the ailing world in the 80s.

13

Practice of Propaganda on Korean Peninsula (1945-1960)

75%

Zhyvora O.

International Journal of Area Studies

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2016

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vol. 11

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issue 1

5-23

EN

The topic of propaganda, which was thought to be a part of the Cold War past, was recently revived by modern and rather successful application in Georgian, Syrian and Ukrainian conflicts. In this regard Korean Peninsula is a perfect example of prolonged use of mutual practice of indoctrination to study its origins. This article discuses the evolution of propaganda use by both Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Republic of Korea (1945-1960) in cultural, economic and political dimensions. Qualitative text analysis and case study in conjunction with theoretical framework of A. E. Cassirer, S. Langer, E. Barneys and W. Lippmann are used to establish techniques used, and to explain its overall success.

14

Patriots and Pinheads’. The Propagandistic Stylings o f the Fox News Channels “7he OReilly Factor’'

75%

Lewandowski T.

Stylistyka

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2010

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vol. 19

97-110

EN

The American talk show The O ’Reilly Factor premiered in 1996 on media mogul Rupert Murdoch’s Fox News Channel. Hosted by conservative commentator Bill O’Reilly (1949-), the Factor tackles social and political issues with guests from a variety of fields, and is the highest-rated cable news program in the United States, averaging approximately 3.5 million viewers a night. O’Reilly is the most controversial leader of a new wave of ultra-conservative media pundits that have appeared on Fox News over the last decade, who together have forged a new in-your-face reporting style that has garnered top ratings for the entire network. O’Reilly claims to uphold Fox’s motto of ‘Fair and Balanced’ coverage, and has labeled his own show the ‘no spin zone.’ Here he indulges in over-the-top denunciations of the ‘radical’ liberal establishment, promotes an anti-immigrant, anti-minority, anti-welfare and anti-abortion platform, and casts himself as the disgruntled voice of patriotic working-class Americans. Most distinctive is his interviewing style: in doing battle with liberal opponents he frequently resorts to the bellicose phrase ‘Shut up!’ among other invectives. Though such histrionics have earned him great fame, O’Reilly's reporting has come under considerable scrutiny from media watchdog groups such as Media Matters for America and Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR), both of which condemn him for extreme bias and inaccuracy. In addition, a 2007 study of The O 'Reilly Factor by the researchers at the Indiana University School of Journalism has concluded that the program regularly employs propaganda techniques defined by the Institute of Propaganda Analysis in the 1930s. This paper analyzes the provocative stylistic content of The O ’Reilly Factor, and examines the various criticisms the program and its host have so combatively drawn.

15

17 WRZEŚNIA 1939 ROKU NA KRESACH WSCHODNICH W PROPAGANDZIE RADZIECKIEJ ORAZ WE WSPÓŁCZESNYM SPOJRZENIU POLAKÓW I BIAŁORUSINÓW

75%

KULESZEWICZ A.

Historia@Teoria

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2018

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vol. 1

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issue 7

149-165

EN

On September 17, 1939, on the strength of the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact established on August 23, 1939, Soviet troops carried out armed aggression on the Second Polish Republic without official declaration of war. As a result – Polish territories were divided between Germany and the USSR: the eastern territories of the country were influenced by the Kremlin and part of the eastern territories of the Second Polish Republic was incorporated into the Belorusian Soviet Socialist Republic. All war and aggressive activities required not only a deliberate military plan, but also the preparation of an appropriate propaganda ground: propaganda was a tool for creating the necessary background among the masses of the population and on the international arena. Propaganda was used by both the Polish and the Soviet sides: before, during and after the war. Before the war, Poles focused more on Nazi Germans, although some circles of the intelligentsia showed great interest in Soviet Russia. As for current awareness and official interpretation in relation to the events of September 17, 1939, they are considered an act of aggression. Propaganda has always been a strong weapon in the hands of the Soviets. Using this tool, they tried to create a ground and “justify” the aggression against Poland, a myth about the necessity of freeing the oppressed Ukrainians and Belarusians was invented, repeated until the collapse of the USSR. Currently, it is still possible to observe suchan interpretation in Belarus, although the situation is slowly changing, aiming at the recognition of historical truth.

16

Media Manipulation And Propaganda In The Post-Truth Era

75%

Moravčíková E.

Media Literacy and Academic Research

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2020

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vol. 3

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issue 2

23-37

EN

The birth of the post-truth era, i.e. the advent of alternative media and internet social networks, has brought along a great deal of demagoguery, nonsense, lies, hoaxes, disinformation (a trendier term being ‘fake news’) and conspiracy theories, with propaganda and manipulation being the key features here. Dissemination of disinformation and its effects on individuals, society and politics are among the most debated topics of our day, although, frankly, it is in fact a very old phenomenon. The advent of digital media has brought, apart from other things, a decline of public trust in traditional (mainstream) media, and conversely a boom in alternative information sources. Meanwhile, it is not entirely clear what the term alternative with respect to mass media should actually mean. Perhaps free media? Independent media? Attempts to define alternative media against the background of mainstream media contain quite a few options to grasp the alternateness. In our contribution we endeavour to find the causes of the strongly negative connotations surrounding the term alternative media. This term is not infrequently linked to an unprecedented rise of media with disinformation and conspiracy agenda. Nevertheless, we point out why it perhaps should be more appropriate to grasp this term in a more neutral way, not only in academia, considering that such sources in many cases provide scope for different interpretation of the dominant ideology in society and information disseminated under its aegis.

17

Media Development In Post-Conflict Societies (Kosovo Case)

75%

Gashi A.

Media Literacy and Academic Research

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2021

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vol. 4

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issue 1

107-117

EN

It is a fact that media plays an important role in post-war reconstruction enhancing the dialogue on issues related to dealing with the past and democratic institutional building. Media continues to be challenged by financial and market dynamics, political influences, and the quest for increasing market share. Over the last two decades, Kosovo has witnessed an increasing role of the media in processes of conflict transformation and institution-building. Yet the media is grounded in the dominant national frames and political ideologies. This paper discusses the dynamics of media development and the role it has played in overcoming the conflict in post-war and post-independence Kosovo. The role of media in conflicts became all important in social research, especially in the „new wars” in Rwanda, Congo and the former Yugoslavia, in the 1990s. In addition to locally generated financial means, media development has been shaped by international donors support that frames freedom of media as one of the major pillars of democracy. Research on the role of media in conflict transformation in Kosovo is still lacking. This paper seeks to address this gap offering an analysis of the role that media has played in conflict transformation and the co-creation of shared social imaginaries as a precondition for a cohesive society in Kosovo.

18

UKRAIŃSKO-ROSYJSKA WOJNA PROPAGANDOWA: OD WYDARZEŃ NA EUROMAJDANIE PO KONFLIKT W DONBASIE

71%

Pudło D.

Ante Portas – Studia nad Bezpieczeństwem

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2016

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vol. 1(6) Kryzys ukraiński i jego znaczenie dla bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego: aspekty militarno-polityczne

145-160

PL

Na początku zostanie przedstawiona geneza kryzysu i wojny propagandowej związanej z Krymem i konfliktem w Donbasie, który w najnowszej historii Ukrainy ma powiązanie z Pomarańczową Rewolucją z 2004 roku, kiedy to rosyjskie media atakowały opozycję i wspierały prorosyjskiego kandydata na urząd Prezydenta – Wiktora Janukowycza, który najwyższe poparcie miał właśnie w Donbasie i na Krymie. Następnie zostanie przedstawiony w skrócie Euromajdan, kryzys krymski i konflikt w Donbasie, który spowodował eskalację wojny medialnej. Kolejno zostaną przedstawione przykłady propagandy strony ukraińskiej (np. zakaz emisji rosyjskich filmów, seriali i zastępowanie ich polskimi produkcjami, czy też zakazem wjazdu dla rosyjskich artystów) i rosyjskiej (np. dyskredytacja Ukrainy w rosyjskich mass mediach), które niejednokrotnie są absurdalne i mają podłoże polityczne, przez co dzielą oba bliskie sobie narody mimo toczącej się wojny na froncie i w mediach. Na końcu nastąpi podsumowanie wojny propagandowej pomiędzy Republiką Ukrainy a Federacją Rosyjską od 2013 roku (od Euromajdanu, poprzez kryzys krymski, referenda, wybory na terenie Donieckiej Republiki Ludowej (DRL) i Ługańskiej Republiki Ludowej (ŁRL), a także konflikt zbrojny we wschodniej Ukrainie).

EN

At the beginning there will be presented the genesis of the crisis and the propaganda war related to the conflict in the Crimea and Donbas, which in the modern history of Ukraine has link to the Orange Revolution in 2004, when the Russian media has attacked the opposition and supported the pro-Russian candidate for President – Viktor Yanukovych, who had the highest support in the Donbas and Crimea. Then it will be shortly presented Euromaidan, Crimean crisis and conflict in the Donbass, which caused an escalation of the media war. Then we will present the propaganda of the Ukrainian side (f.e. non- issuance of Russian films, series and replace them Polish productions or entry ban for Russian artists) and Russian (f.e. to discredit Ukraine in the Russian mass media), which often are absurd and have substrate political thus dividing the two nations close to each other despite the ongoing war at the front and in the media. At the end it will be a summary of the propaganda war between the Republic of Ukraine and the Russian Federation from 2013 (from Euromaidan by the crisis Crimean, referendums, elections in the Donetsk People’s Republic and Luhansk People’s Republic, as well as the armed conflict in eastern Ukraine).

19

Mainstream Media Discourse! Or the Divine Word of the Postmodern?

63%

Rhimi Y.

Human and Social Studies

|

2016

|

vol. 5

|

issue 2

40-73

EN

This paper calls into question the growing tendency of quasi-absolutism within postmodern mainstream media discourse under the guise of objectivity. The tendency’s major aim is to ascribe more believability to its discourse by re-presenting that which it covers as the vehicle of objective truth to the mainstream audience. Two interweaving discourses have marked such objectivity: one in the form of indoctrinating and omnipresent narratives, which via effective propaganda become tantamount to ritualism, the other epitomised in the nostalgia for rationalisation, already inherent in western positivist thought through the exponential increase of quasi-empiricism (e.g. investigative reporting or speculative statistics). Accordingly, what the media cover exists. What they do not remains in the order of myth. The article starts by rethinking objectivity within modern western academia, a discourse whose objectivity is already flawed from within. Then, with respect to human experience and media coverage, the paper concludes by raising the question of postmodern mainstream media’s substitution of religious quasi-absolutist narratives, be they secular or non-secular. Subjectivity thus emerges as the ultimate ground upon which our being may be legitimate.

20

Prawda, prowokacja, propaganda. Obrazy Holocaustu w internetowych serwisach plików wideo

63%

Otto W.

Images. The International Journal of European Film, Performing Arts and Audiovisual Communication

|

2011

|

vol. 8

|

issue 15-16

67-80

EN

The word “Holocaust” functions as a keyword in reading of the contemporary history in the Web services (which contain video files). Very often this word is used in the context of some historical truth which concerns the second world war. There are mainly some newsreels or audiovisual documents which confirm the atrocities of the war. The forms of the provocation are rather rarely. In this perspective the authors want to notice some peculiar problems or phenomenona. Sometimes the word “Holocaust” is used by some communities to support their ideologies (for example in the political background) – and in this context the interpretation of this word exceeds the ethical taboo.

PL

Truth, provocation, propaganda. Images of the Holocaust in the Web services The word “Holocaust” functions as a keyword in reading of the contemporary history in the Web services (which contain video files). Very often this word is used in the context of some historical truth which concerns the second world war. There are mainly some newsreels or audiovisual documents which confirm the atrocities of the war. The forms of the provocation are rather rarely. In this perspective the authors want to notice some peculiar problems or phenomenona. Sometimes the word “Holocaust” is used by somecommunities to support their ideologies (for example in the political background) – and in this context the interpretation of this word exceeds the ethical taboo.

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