Search results

1

„Bzik na punkcie mieszkania”, czyli mieszkanie i jego otocze nie w Prusach w latach 1871–1918

100%

Łukasiewicz D.

Przegląd Zachodniopomorski

|

2016

|

issue 4

55-104

EN

To have a roof over one’s head was an unattainable dream for many people in Prussia after 1871 in the era of industrialisation and urbanisation. The groups for whom that problem was the most acute were: peasants, agricultural labourers, labourers paid per day, factory workers, craftsmen, poorer white collar workers and low-ranking officials. The dwelling forms were strongly influenced by a growing phenomenon of pauperisation of lower urban classes, industrialisation, an enormous inflow of people into towns, inappropriate nutrition and an inadequate satisfaction of other basic needs. Yet, it was in the 19th century when the bourgeois cultural image of a friendly home was constructed, which has become a space of rest against the threats of the outside world and a basis for the present-day mass concept. But, at that time only members a tiny part of the society managed to get this friendly retreat; for the overwhelming majority their homes were just sleeping places.

2

Święci jako patronowie obiektów sakralnych w państwie zakonnym w Prusach – na przykładzie miast

100%

Rozynkowski W.

Studia Elbląskie

|

2014

|

vol. 15

9-19

EN

The author discusses the medieval practice in the State of the Teutonic Order of placing sacral objects, especially parish and monastic churches, cathedrals and hospital chapels, under patronage of selected saints. Though there was nothing exceptional about it in the Christian Europe, the choice of saints, dependent on their particular traits and popularity, is interesting. Among the most popular ones were, of course, the Holy Virgin Mary, venerated especially by the Cistersians and Dominicans, St George, St John the Evangelist and St Nicholas – the latter being the patron of merchants and sailors. It may be safely said that local cults correlated to a large degree with the presence or absence of particular religious orders in the area, with their preferences as to the patronage of certain saints over others. One of the most widely known saints in Europe was undoubtedly St James, especially along the popular pilgrimage route from Prussia to Santiago de Compostella. St Adalbert of Prague also deserves special mention, especially for his mission and martyrdom in Prussia.

3

Mieczysław Józefczyk, Z dziejów religijnych Pomezanii w XVIII wieku, Tom I: Synteza dziejów, Malbork 2015; Tom II: Źródła do dziejów XVIII-wiecznej Pomezanii, Malbork 2015.

100%

Zawadzki W.

Studia Elbląskie

|

2015

|

vol. 16

441-443

4

Konsekwentne działania czy improwizacja? Niemieckie plany wojenne wobec Polski w okresie I wojny światowej

100%

Łysoń R.

Historia Slavorum Occidentis

|

2015

|

issue 2(9)

150-167

EN

The first part of the article offers a review of the most important historical views on German plans for Poland during the First World War. The author attempts to show that they were not as consistent, clear and painstakingly implemented as earlier historical writing supposed, but rather inconsistent, chaotic and carried out by various competing centres of political and military power. The author than describes several centres of power in Imperial Germany and displays their rivalry over the Polish cause. There were several reasons behind the observed chaos, among them the political structure and the system of power in the German Reich. The system was unable to create a main decision-making centre during the war. Furthermore, with a limited knowledge of Polish matters, Germans were not certain, which option would be best for post-war Germany. It is the author’s opinion that research on the issue should definitely be continued.

5

Formování židovské šlechty ve středoevropské perspektivě

88%

Županič J.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

|

2014

|

vol. 112

|

issue 1

40-59

EN

The aim of this study is to outline the summary development of Jewish nobility (persons of the Jewish faith or origin) in the Hapsburg Monarchy, yet focusing primarily upon contemporary specifics in terms of their nobilitations. It summarizes the development of awarding aristocratic titles to these persons and attempts to characterize the main milestones of nobilitations and compares the nobilitation policy of the rulers of the Danube Monarchy and the Kingdom of Prussia towards individuals of the Jewish faith and origin.

6

Delegitimation through Corruption: Legal and Administrative Changes in Bavaria and Prussia during the Napoleonic era (1800–1820)

88%

Bernsee R.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

|

2015

|

vol. 7

|

issue 1

9-33

EN

Th is article examines how corruption and legal changes were interrelated in Bavaria and Prussia around 1800. A number of both legal and administrative reforms occurred across Central Europe during this time period. In the article, it is argued that these reforms were mainly forced and justifi ed by a new type of charges on corruption that had been appeared in public debates since the 1780s. Th e new critics of corruption had denounced the ‘Ancien Régime’ as endemically corrupt and had demanded reforms that bear resemblance with the bureaucracy developed by Max Weber. With the new critics, however, new political actors had appeared in both monarchies and had come into conflict with the entrenched powers – the monarch and the estates. It needed twenty years until the new notions of corruption, common good and government became standard in the public debates. The article consists of three parts: The first part sheds light on the events before the reforms. It shows that a new notion of corruption appeared in the 1780s, but clashed against the older concepts. This section also describes the political confl icts and features an analysis of the interrelation between these confl icts and corruption charges. The second section contains an analysis how the reformers used the new concepts of corruption to delegitimise the old administrative and legal structure. Th ey used corruption charges to justify their own reform proposals within the administration, but even in public communication especially through semi-offi cial journals. The third part focuses on diff erent legal changes that were aff ected by corruption charges either directly or indirectly. It was very diff erent laws that changed due to corruption charges: rules for recruitment and remuneration of officials, house laws of the ruling dynasties and their civil lists, the secret policy of both government and ‘private’ associations. Corruption charges had, thus, a considerable infl uence on the political constitution of the two monarchies. Interestingly, this article shows how changing arguments in the public sphere infl uenced the administrative and legal body in monarchies that did not exhibit a legislative body like a parliament. It also shows how corruption charges were used by political actors to achieve their goals.

7

Vaterländische Unwahrheiten. Fontane und Kleist

88%

Rauseo C.

Germanica Wratislaviensia

|

2016

|

vol. 141

45-59

DE

Fontane war sich dessen bewusst, dass einige seiner Meinungen nur provisorisch, also veränderlich waren. Ein so radikaler Umschwung wie bei seinen zwei Beurteilungen von Kleists „Prinz Friedrich von Homburg“ ist aber selbst für seine Verhältnisse ungewöhnlich. Den Grund für seinen Wandel von empörter Ablehnung zur uneingeschränkten Lobpreisung darf man am ehesten in der utopischen Beschaffenheit von Kleists vaterländischem Fantasiestück suchen.

EN

Few writers have changed their minds as often, and about as many things, as Fontane. His most striking volte-face concerned Kleist’s glorification of their common Prussian homeland: the drama Prince Frederick of Homburg. Fontane reviled the work in 1872 and unconditionally sang its praises four years later. Why? Perhaps because Kleist’s utopian dream made it possible to suspend disbelief in Prussia’s promises, and to pretend they were almost true.

8

Miasto na pieczęci. Wokół wizualności pieczęci miejskich z terenu Prus

88%

Hlebionek M.

|

EN

The visuality of the seal, as expressed in the title of the article, should be understood as a collection of stamp elements received by means of wax. Consequently, they will include not only the image of the seal and the caption, but also the shape, size and colour of the wax in which the imprint was made. All those elements can transfer important information from the point of view of the owner, expressing their individuality. Two groups of factors have had an impact on the visuality of the seal: legal and cultural factors. The first group of factors defined the sigillographical system of the owner, but they could also indicate the circle of persons deciding on the shape of a particular seal, or they could directly refer to the form of imprints. The second groups of factors influenced the shape of the message on the seal recorded in both the verbal sphere, iconography and in the form of prints. Among the city seals from the area of Prussia, round seals prevail; their diameters range from 80 to 30 mm. They were usually imprinted in natural wax, green or, less often, black. Only Gdańsk and Toruń were allowed to use red wax under the special privileges granted by the monarchs. Captions included in the seal were usually formulated in Latin, although the names of towns were usually written in German despite the existence of their Latin counterparts. Imaginary ideas, in the context of the typology proposed by Toni Diederich, mostly represented the symbolic type, although a significant percentage of them constituted the canting arms and coats of arms. Other types appear less often. However, the complexity and ambiguity of messages written on the seal by means of images means that any attempt to include them in the typology framework results in the simplification of interpretation. That is why, the research of city seals based on the assumption that they represent the urban self-awareness – the sign of the center’s identity (Brigitte Miriam Bedos-Rezak) becomes more and more significant. In this context, information provided by the visual side of the seal can be reduced to three sets of messages: presenting the city as a topographic space, presenting the city as a social space and presenting the city’s relations with the surroundings. The name of the city determined the town’s definition as a settlement point, which we encounter in legends, but also the notions of canting arms frequently found in Prussia (e.g. Sepopol, Orneta, Allenburg). Seals with the images of walls and urban buildings (e.g. Malbork, Cynty, Toruń) showed the city as an organized space. Paradoxically, the images of wild animals, extremely popular in Prussia, which combined with the legend identifying the owner as a city, showed what the city was not. It is in the seal’s legends that we find the most frequent reference to the city as a social space. Determining the main seals as sigillum civitatis, burgensium, civium, Borger, indicates that the owner of the seal maker was the community of residents. The language of the caption indicates the cultural embedding of the commune. In turn, the size and material of the print inform about the real significance of the center, or about the aspirations of its inhabitants. In connection with the legend, it sometimes brings information about the place occupied by the seal in the urban sigillographic system, which is often derived from the structure of municipal authorities. The images shown on the seal, in turn, refer to the devotion of the commune (e.g. Brodnica), or professions of its residents (e.g. Pieniężno, Młynary, Elbląg, Gdańsk). Through the images representing the city walls or the arms, they finally illustrate the readiness of the inhabitants to defend themselves (e.g .Toruń, Malbork), or they indicate that the urban community had its defender (Chełmno, Pasłęk?). Many of the seal’s images from the Prussian region refer to the city’s relationship with the broadly understood surroundings. By showing the coats of arms (Bisztynek, Malbork), symbols (Toruń, Gardeja, Lidzbark Wamiński), or insignia or attributes (e.g. Reszel, Barczewo, Fischhausen) of a land master or his representative, the seal indicated the owner of the center. In this context, particularly interesting, but also poorly recognized are the links between the iconography of city seals and the images of the seals of the Teutonic officials (e.g. Święta Siekierka, Górowo Iławckie, Radzyń Chełmiński). Finally, the hagiographic seals indicate the relations of the urban community with the supernatural world (Frombork, Pieniężno, Sztum, Gierdawy, and Toruń). The example of the Frombork seal shows that all these meanings can interpenetrate, contributing the creation of a complex image of the city represented on the seal.

9

Femina oeconomica. Fighting against Landflucht in the Program of Agrarian Women’s Movement in Prussia before the Outbreak of World War I

88%

Szudarek A.

Studia Historiae Oeconomicae

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2019

|

vol. 37

25-45

EN

In February 1914, the Agricultural Associations of Housewives, operating in the Eastern provinces of Prussia since the 1890s, were subordinated to organisations responsible for the development of agriculture in Prussia, which were dominated by conservatives and noble landowners. This came about on the initiative of some influential agrarians, who, in this way, wanted to strengthen their influence in rural areas, as well as to include the women’s agrarian movement in combating the outflow of labour from agriculture. The women’s organizations, having been politicized in this way and adopted by agrarian leaders after 1908, were to implement a new strategy for preventing the migration of rural population to cities. This is as a resulted of the partial support for Heinrich Sohnrey’s programme and his concept of improving the quality of life in rural areas. Elisabet Boehm, the founder of the associations, from the very beginning of their existence, sought to cooperate with agricultural organizations. She believed that this would be the only way for members to gain access to the expertise for implementing the main point of the association’s agenda, i.e. the professionalization of women’s work in rural areas. The article focuses on explaining the circumstances that led to the interest of the agrarians in the women’s agrarian movement and its inclusion in the reform programme for rural prosperity launched just before the war and showing that the cooperation was primarily aimed at using the associations to strengthen their influence in rural areas.

10

Wilhelm von Humboldt. Między antysemityzmem a judeofobią

88%

Małecki W.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2013

|

issue 2(347)

155-175

EN

The article offers a detailed analysis of an official document of 1809 by Wilhelm von Humboldt titled “On the Project of a New Constitution for Jews”, which had a major impact on the process of granting them equal rights in Prussia. This slim document contributed in a direct way to the adoption in 1812 of the most progressive emancipation edict that equaled the rights and obligations of Jews to those of other citizens. Being a momentous manifestation of classic German liberalism it voiced the staunch opposition of a Prussian statesman and philosopher of the law against enlightened absolutism. Humboldt based his arguments on the belief that in the process of creating the rule of law it is indispensable to proclaim an individual’s inalienable rights to freedom and security. The text also mirrors the revolutionary changes that led in the second half of the 18th century to dissolution of the traditional model of Jewish life.

11

Mentalność pruska, mieszczańska, protestancka czy kapitalistyczna? Prusy 1806-1871

88%

Łukasiewicz D.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2014

|

issue 2(351)

91-119

EN

The central category in the life of the Prussian bourgeoisie was work and this opinion is accepted by the admirers of the notion of the Prussian mentality. In the case of the Prussian state, work ethic was implemented primarily by the educated middle class, as the economic middle class was poor and did not have its own clear habitus. The Junkers were related to militarism, as the most important feature of the Prussian nobility, but also to social training, and great organizational successes. Moreover, the social, economic, cultural and ideological superstructure contributed to the creation of the mythology of the Prussian state and dynasty. The most important value for officers was honour which was adapted from the nobility. The traditional, military instrument of its defence was duels. Prussian virtues included also: progressiveness, modernity (understood as overcoming the state order), selflessness (unconditional dedication to the state), aggressiveness, tolerance, the rule of law and equality before the law, obedience, discipline, awareness of one’s duty, dignity, defence of one’s independence, personal restraint, frugality, respect for public property, incorruptibility, honesty, respect for education, courage and bravery. Moreover, the image of Poland and Poles in Prussia played a crucial role in the mental orientation of Prussians. A negative image of Poles, the metaphor of “polnische Wirtschaft”, co-created the modern German national identity in Prussia as their opposite.

12

Miasto na pieczęci. Wokół wizualności pieczęci miejskich z terenu Prus

88%

Hlebionek M.

Zapiski Historyczne

|

2019

|

vol. 84

|

issue 1

85-121

EN

The visuality of the seal, as expressed in the title of the article, should be understood as a collection of stamp elements received by means of wax. Consequently, they will include not only the image of the seal and the caption, but also the shape, size and colour of the wax in which the imprint was made. All those elements can transfer important information from the point of view of the owner, expressing their individuality. Two groups of factors have had an impact on the visuality of the seal: legal and cultural factors. The first group of factors defined the sigillographical system of the owner, but they could also indicate the circle of persons deciding on the shape of a particular seal, or they could directly refer to the form of imprints. The second groups of factors influenced the shape of the message on the seal recorded in both the verbal sphere, iconography and in the form of prints. Among the city seals from the area of Prussia, round seals prevail; their diameters range from 80 to 30 mm. They were usually imprinted in natural wax, green or, less often, black. Only Gdańsk and Toruń were allowed to use red wax under the special privileges granted by the monarchs. Captions included in the seal were usually formulated in Latin, although the names of towns were usually written in German despite the existence of their Latin counterparts. Imaginary ideas, in the context of the typology proposed by Toni Diederich, mostly represented the symbolic type, although a significant percentage of them constituted the canting arms and coats of arms. Other types appear less often. However, the complexity and ambiguity of messages written on the seal by means of images means that any attempt to include them in the typology framework results in the simplification of interpretation. That is why, the research of city seals based on the assumption that they represent the urban self-awareness – the sign of the center’s identity (Brigitte Miriam Bedos-Rezak) becomes more and more significant. In this context, information provided by the visual side of the seal can be reduced to three sets of messages: presenting the city as a topographic space, presenting the city as a social space and presenting the city’s relations with the surroundings. The name of the city determined the town’s definition as a settlement point, which we encounter in legends, but also the notions of canting arms frequently found in Prussia (e.g. Sepopol, Orneta, Allenburg). Seals with the images of walls and urban buildings (e.g. Malbork, Cynty, Toruń) showed the city as an organized space. Paradoxically, the images of wild animals, extremely popular in Prussia, which combined with the legend identifying the owner as a city, showed what the city was not. It is in the seal’s legends that we find the most frequent reference to the city as a social space. Determining the main seals as sigillum civitatis, burgensium, civium, Borger, indicates that the owner of the seal maker was the community of residents. The language of the caption indicates the cultural embedding of the commune. In turn, the size and material of the print inform about the real significance of the center, or about the aspirations of its inhabitants. In connection with the legend, it sometimes brings information about the place occupied by the seal in the urban sigillographic system, which is often derived from the structure of municipal authorities. The images shown on the seal, in turn, refer to the devotion of the commune (e.g. Brodnica), or professions of its residents (e.g. Pieniężno, Młynary, Elbląg, Gdańsk). Through the images representing the city walls or the arms, they finally illustrate the readiness of the inhabitants to defend themselves (e.g .Toruń, Malbork), or they indicate that the urban community had its defender (Chełmno, Pasłęk?). Many of the seal’s images from the Prussian region refer to the city’s relationship with the broadly understood surroundings. By showing the coats of arms (Bisztynek, Malbork), symbols (Toruń, Gardeja, Lidzbark Wamiński), or insignia or attributes (e.g. Reszel, Barczewo, Fischhausen) of a land master or his representative, the seal indicated the owner of the center. In this context, particularly interesting, but also poorly recognized are the links between the iconography of city seals and the images of the seals of the Teutonic officials (e.g. Święta Siekierka, Górowo Iławckie, Radzyń Chełmiński). Finally, the hagiographic seals indicate the relations of the urban community with the supernatural world (Frombork, Pieniężno, Sztum, Gierdawy, and Toruń). The example of the Frombork seal shows that all these meanings can interpenetrate, contributing the creation of a complex image of the city represented on the seal.

13

Chronologia wznoszenia krzyżackiego murowanego zamku prokuratorskiego w Nidzicy w świetle źródeł pisanych

88%

Jóźwiak S.

Zapiski Historyczne

|

2022

|

vol. 87

|

issue 3

5-22

EN

The erection of the brick castle of the Teutonic Order in Nidzica (border territory of the state of the Teutonic Order with Mazovia), intended as the seat of the Teutonic pfleger, directly subordinate to the commander of Ostróda, began at the end of the 14th century. The castle has so far been studied almost solely by historians of art, who were not entirely familiar with the numerous medieval written sources that referred to it. The analysis of the records (documents, correspondence, bills, stock lists) carried out in this article provides answers to two key questions. First, the brick castle of the Teutonic pfleger in Nidzica, which has survived to this day, was built in the period of 1399–1409, contrary to the suggestions of previous researchers, who dated it about 20 years earlier. The main (western) wing was completed in 1405. In the following years, intensive construction work was carried out on the other three wings of the main castle and the surrounding defensive curtain wall (and possibly the outer bailey). In March 1409, the first mention of a Teutonic pfleger appeared in the sources, and the newly built castle became his headquarters. Secondly, the earlier wood-earthen fortress (probably erected in the 1350s) was placed in a different location, which is still unrecognized today.

14

Jezioro Rządzkie pod Grudziądzem czy bagno pod Chełmnem miejscem klęski wojsk krzyżackich w 1243 roku?

88%

Zonenberg S.

Zapiski Historyczne

|

2011

|

vol. 76

|

issue 3

99-113

XX

The subject under discussion is the place where in 1243 or 1244 the Teutonic army was defeated – the basin called “Rensen”, “Rense”, or “Reußen”, “Reussenn”, “Reüßen”, “Reusen”. The names enumerated above come from the manuscripts of the chronicle of Peter from Dusburg – written in its major part before 1326, and continued until 1330. It is the oldest source which gives the name of the site of the battle and information about it. The form “Rensen”, appearing in literature, was identified with Rządz (Rządzkie Lake) near Grudziądz. Jarosław Wenta recognizing first the form “Rensen” and later also “Reusen” stated that the place must have been situated near Chełmno. As the chronicle of Peter from Dusburg failed to provide explicit identification, we employed historiographical monuments which used the manuscripts of the chronicle, as well as other sources giving the knowledge about the name we are interested in. The majority of the sources contain the name “Rensen” and names similar to it, which are identified with Rządzkie Lake. Moreover, the cartographic sources including Rządzkie Lake near Grudziądz did not recognize the basin “Reussen” near Chełmno. It is also known that the diphthong “eu” did not appear in the written German language in Prussia until the turn of the 14th and 15th centuries. Peter from Dusburg did not use the diphthong “eu” in German words denoting proper names. | us, it is very unlikely that he used the form “Reussen” or a form similar to it. The author further explains his opinion on the existence of such forms in the manuscripts. In Latin palaeography the lower-case letter “n” resembled “u”. The copyists, not knowing the geography of Prussia, must have made a palaeographic mistake changing “n” into “u”. To sum up, it is quite certain that the basin “Reussen” (“Reusen”) near Chełmno never existed, and the battle took place in Rządz near Grudziądz.

15

Problem wychodźstwa polskiego na łamach „Gazety Grudziądzkiej” na przełomie XIX i XX wieku

88%

Smentek S.

Śląski Kwartalnik Historyczny Sobótka

|

2020

|

vol. 75

|

issue 3

71-85

EN

The article presents the evolution of the stance regarding Polish emigration taken at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries in “Gazeta Grudziądzka” (“Grudziądz Newspaper”), which was popular among Poles in the Prussian Partition. Through an analysis of texts published in this journal, the approach of Polish elites to the phenomenon of economic migration and the national factor of this approach were presented.

16

Válečný rok 1866 v pevnostním městě Hradec Králové dle svědectví dokumentů a vzpomínek obyvatel

75%

Šůla J.

Historica: revue pro historii a příbuzné vědy (Historica: Review in history and related sciences)

|

2016

|

vol. 7

|

issue 2

203-221

EN

In 2016, 150 years will have passed since the Austro-Prussian War. Near the fortress of Hradec Králové, the decisive battle of this conflict took place, with Austria losing. The fortress was besieged and its immediate surroundings were flooded. Using eyewitness accounts and historical realities, the author describes the until recently-rarely revisited life of the civilian populations in the besieged fortress.

17

Kobieta w Królestwie Prus 1806-1871

75%

Łukasiewicz D.

Studia Zachodnie

|

2014

|

vol. 16

35-57

PL

Wiek XIX przyniósł w Prusach likwidację poddaństwa i feudalizmu, rozwój kapitalizmu, z czasem coraz bardziej przemysłowego oraz demokratyzację życia, przede wszystkim po 1848 r. Z punktu widzenia dziejów kobiet oznaczało to z jednej strony wzrost ich udziału w pracy najemnej, z drugiej osłabienie znaczenia tradycyjnego rzemieślniczego czy chłopskiego gospodarstwa domowego będącego jednocześnie jednostką rodzinną i gospodarczą. Zmiany przyniosły stopniowe włączanie dziewcząt w edukację, ale stagnację w zakresie partycypacji politycznej mimo coraz częstszych reformatorskich żądań ówczesnych humanistów. Pojawiły się pierwsze formy instytucjonalizacji organizacji kobiecych w Prusach. W ówczesnym prawie pruskim kobieta nie miała zdolności procesowych. Pozycja kobiety w rodzinie z ekonomicznego i politycznego punktu widzenia pozostała podporządkowana mężczyźnie, ale rola kobiety jako żony, matki i obiektu romantycznego była jednak duża. W ówczesnej kulturze w Prusach mężczyźnie przypisywano aktywność, racjonalność i orientację zawodową, a kobiecie pasywność, emocjonalność, macierzyństwo, poświęcenie i ofiarność dla dobra męża i dzieci. Przy braku antykoncepcji nadal dominowała liczna rodzina nuklearna, ale też występowała znaczna śmiertelność dzieci.

EN

The nineteenth century brought in Prussia elimination of serfdom and feudalism, the development of capitalism, which with time, was becaming more and more industrial and democratization of life, especially after 1848. From the point of view of the history of women, on the one hand it meant the increase of their participation in employment, on the other hand though it signified the weakening the traditional crafts of peasant household which simultanousely was a family and economic unit. The changes brought about the gradual inclusion of girls in education; nevertheless, they were also connected with stagnation of women's political participation despite the increasing prevalence of reformist demands of contemporary humanists. Moreover, the first forms of industralisation of women's organisations in Prussia occurred. In the conterporary Prussian law women lacked the capabilty to act in court proceedings. >From an economic and political point of view the position of women in the family remained as subordinate to the man, however, the role of women as wives, mothers and romantic object was high. In the contemporary culture in Prussia, men were seen as active, rational and of professional orentation, whereas women were passive, emotional and connected with motherhood, dedication and sacrifice for the sake of her husband and children. In the absence of contraception the number of nucler families still prevailed but at that time the mortality of children was high as well.

18

Einstellung der Bevölkerung Preußens zur Herrschaft der Ordensritter

75%

Ekdahl S.

Miscellanea Historico-Archivistica

|

2016

|

issue 23

109-114

PL

Ważnym zagadnieniem w kontekście wojny zakonu krzyżackiego z Polską i Litwą w latach 1409–1411 jest postawa ludności Prus wobec panowania Zakonu po przegranej bitwie pod Grunwaldem. Historia związku jaszczurczego dowodzi, iż już przed klęską pod Grunwaldem funkcjonowała tam silna opozycja przeciwko władzy Zakonu. Wrogie wobec niego nastawienie znalazło szczególny wyraz 15 VII 1410 r., gdy szereg chorągwi ziemi chełmińskiej w pośpiechu opuściło pole bitwy. Ponadto jeden z rycerzy zajął miasto i zamek w Ostródzie, a następnie przekazał je królowi polskiemu, aby ułatwić mu marsz na Malbork. Inni rycerze, wśród nich Mikołaj z Ryńska, mieli planować zajęcie Malborka w podobny sposób. W przedstawionym kontekście należy zwrócić uwagę na fakt, iż szlachta ziemi chełmińskiej, zgodnie z przywilejem chełmińskim z 1233 r. nie była zobowiązana walczyć po stronie Zakonu poza granicami własnego państwa. Wszelki udział w wyprawach na drugą stronę Wisły i jej dopływów, Drwęcy i Osy, był dobrowolny, a Zakon wynagradzał ten udział zwrotem kosztów i pokryciem wszelkich szkód z nim związanych. Przykładami mogą być wyprawy na Żmudź (1402), Gotlandię (1404) i do Dobrzynia (1409). Z końcem 1410 r. na zlecenie wielkiego mistrza nastąpiła wypłata kwoty 4 tys. marek na rzecz ziemi chełmińskiej. Kwota ta, odpowiadająca wartości około 300 koni bojowych, nie została jednak wykorzystana w całości, ku niezadowoleniu zainteresowanych, którzy wyceniali swoje straty wyżej. Otwarte pozostaje pytanie, na ile szczególne uregulowanie sytuacji ziemi chełmińskiej mogło mieć wpływ na zachowanie części rycerstwa tej ziemi w trakcie bitwy pod Grunwaldem? Analogiczne ustalenia dotyczą rycerstwa z Warmii i Nowej Marchii. Także ono jedynie dobrowolnie brało udział w działaniach zbrojnych poza granicami swych państw. Sytuacja ta stanowiła problem dla Zakonu, prowadząc często do irytacji kierowanej zwłaszcza wobec szlachty z Nowej Marchii. Czterej biskupi (pomezański, warmiński, sambijski i chełmiński) po bitwie pod Grunwaldem złożyli hołd królowi polskiemu, podobnie jak przeorysza klasztoru brygidek w Gdańsku. Skierowała ona do króla Władysława Jagiełły pisemną prośbę o wsparcie – i to już kilka dni po wygranej wojsk polsko-litewskich. Prośba ta spotkała się z akceptacją wyrażoną 6 sierpnia. Interesujący jest przypadek biskupa warmińskiego Henryka IV Vogelsanga, który pod koniec września lub na początku października 1410 r. wyjechał do Polski, co sprawiło że Zakon uważał go za zdrajcę. Dlatego wielki mistrz Henryk von Plauen nieskutecznie próbował zastąpić go przez osobę nastawioną przyjaźnie do Zakonu. Również wielkie miasta Prus zajmowały ambiwalentną postawę wobec klęski Zakonu. Zgodnie z informacjami, które dotarły do biskupa poznańskiego 29 czerwca lub w dniach kolejnych, mieszkańcy Torunia ścięli tamtejszego komtura oraz zabili lub uwięzili 50 żołnierzy Zakonu. W połowie sierpnia podobny los spotkał żołnierzy Zakonu w Gdańsku. Miasto Elbląg usprawiedliwiało później złożenie hołdu królowi Polski faktem, iż Zakon ustawicznie zabraniał miastu naprawy uszkodzonego muru miejskiego. W tym kontekście warto odpowiedzieć na następujące pytania: jak różne były reakcje mieszkańców Prus na zmieniającą się sytuację wojskową i polityczną po Grunwaldzie; czy można rozpoznać różne formy zachowań w zależności od klas społecznych oraz czy licznie składane hołdy były efektem desperacji i oceny sytuacji jako „bez wyjścia”, czy też raczej wyrazem długo skrywanej niechęci do władzy Zakonu?

EN

The history of the Lizard Union proves existance of strong opposition against the rule of the Teutonic Knights even before its defeat at the battle of Grunwald (Tannenberg). That hostile attitude was clearly expressed when several banners of Chełmno Lands (banner – unit of the cavalry) left the battlefield on July 15, 1410 by the end of the battle. Moreover, a country knights took over the town and castle of Ostróda for the Polish king to help him to march to Marienburg. Other knights, among them Nicolaus of Renis (Mikołaj z Ryńska), planned to take the Marienburg in a similar manner. In this context it has to be pointed out that the country's nobility of Chełmno Lands was not required to fight outside its borders for the Order after the privilege for Chełmno of 1233. Participation in military campaigns beyond the Vistula River and its tributaries Drewenz and Ossa was performed voluntarily and those who were taking part received from the Order payment and compensation for all incurred losses. The following campaigns can be set as an examples: Samaiten 1402, Gotland 1404 and Dobrzyń 1409. At the end of 1410 a cash payment of 4,000 marks was made on the orders of the Grand Master for Chełmno Lands. The sum, which was the equivalent of about 300 war horses, was not completely used what deeply disappointed the knights who valued higher their losses. An open question remains concerning to what extent that special arrangement for the Chełmno Lands had impact on the behavior of parts of their chivalry in the battle of Grunwald. Similar agreements were also held with the knights in Warmia and in the New March (Neumark); they could also be used for military service outside their borders only voluntary under the above enumerated conditions. This became a problem for the Teutonic Order and often led to annoyance particularly with the nobles in the New March. The four bishops of Pomesania, Warmia, Chełmno Lands and Kulm paid homage to the Polish king after the battle of Grunwald, as did the abbess of St. Bridget in Gdańsk who wrote a request for assistance to Władysław Jagiello slightly after the Polish-Lithuanian victory. Her wishes were promptly answered in the affirmative manner on 6th August. The case of Bishop Heinrich Vogelsang of Warmia is of particular interest because he set out for Poland in late September or early October and was therefore considered by the Teutonic Order as a traitor. Grand Master Heinrich von Plauen sought long in vain to replace him with a supporter of the Teutonic Order. The major cities in Prussia seemed to have an ambivalent attitude towards the heavy defeat of the Knights. According to the messages that reached the Bishop of Poznan on July 29 and briefly after, the inhabitants of Thorn beheaded their komtur and killed 50 Order soldiers. A similar fate suffered other Order soldiers in Gdansk mid-August. The city Elblag apologized later for paying the homage to the Polish king using as an excuse the fact that the German Order prohibited repeatedly to repair the damaged city walls. In the general analysis of this issue the following questions are worth answering: How different were the reactions of the inhabitants of Prussia to the changing military and political situation after the battle of Grunwald? Can the different forms of behavior be recognized depending on social class? And were the numerous tributes the result of desperation and seeing the situation as "hopeless" or rather an expression of long-suppressed resentment of Teutonic Order’s authority?

19

Der Tod in Swinemünde. Paradoxe des Polentums bei Thomas Mann und Theodor Fontane

75%

Rauseo C.

Germanica Wratislaviensia

|

2015

|

vol. 140

61 - 92

EN

At first glance, Polish culture and history seem of little importance in Thomas Mann’s creative imagination. But a closer look reveals the extent to which his relatively rare evocations of Poles and Poland correspond to a pattern which his revered predecessor Theodor Fontane elaborated upon constantly. Poland is dangerous not because of its armed insurrections, but because it raises questions which quietly undermine the foundations of German (and particularly Prussian) notions of order and power.

20

Kleists Revisor. „Der zerbrochne Krug” zwischen Friedrich II. und Adolph Menzel

75%

Rauseo C.

Germanica Wratislaviensia

|

2017

|

vol. 142

11-24

DE

Als Adolph Menzel 1876–1877 Kleists Zerbrochnen Krug illustrierte, beschwor er die niederländische Genre-Malerei des 17. Jahrhunderts bis ins Detail und auch voller Pracht. Dies spezifisch Holländische erfährt aber wider Erwarten eine spezifisch preußische Färbung dadurch, dass der nachschaffende Künstler den Geist Friedrichs des Großen zu einem kurzen aber dramatischen Auftritt hervorruft, um die preußische Herkunft und auch Beschaffenheit des Kleistschen Lustspiels nicht aus dem Blick zu verlieren.

EN

Frederick the Great would seem to be an unlikely guest in Kleist’s comedy Der zerbrochne Krug. Why should Prussia’s most famous king appear in a play situated in a village in Holland in the 17th century, surrounded by peasants and a corrupt judge? Perhaps because Kleist was a Prussian, as was the congenial illustrator of his “Dutch” play, Adolph Menzel. And perhaps because Prussia never ceased to be present in the works of its artists, however far away they tried to be.

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„Bzik na punkcie mieszkania”, czyli mieszkanie i jego otocze nie w Prusach w latach 1871–1918

Święci jako patronowie obiektów sakralnych w państwie zakonnym w Prusach – na przykładzie miast

Mieczysław Józefczyk, Z dziejów religijnych Pomezanii w XVIII wieku, Tom I: Synteza dziejów, Malbork 2015; Tom II: Źródła do dziejów XVIII-wiecznej Pomezanii, Malbork 2015.

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Delegitimation through Corruption: Legal and Administrative Changes in Bavaria and Prussia during the Napoleonic era (1800–1820)