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Comments on job migration from Poland

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EN
Job migration and re-emigration are the most important problems of Polish migration policy. Social and economic assessment of their results should take into account the previously established mechanisms of job resources usage in Poland, which are disadvantageous and push many people to leave the job market lowering job activity. Slowing down reforms lengthening factual time of employment, increasing activity of the unemployed, and speeding up the flow of rural population to out-agricultural jobs makes job emigration a serious factor causing financial problems of social security institutions. It also causes the deficit of qualified workers on the home market. The activities aiming at decreasing the costs of creating new work places and eliminating the differences in attractiveness between home and foreign job markets are the conditions of limiting such a large scale of job emigration and encouraging the emigrants to return home
EN
The text presents transliteration of the manuscript written by Barbora Cizkova who was born and lived in the only Czech village in Bulgaria, Vojvodovo, till the re-emigration to the Czechoslovakia after WW II. In her text, named 'History of the Cizek and Karbula families', the events are mentioned that are related to the Czech Vojvodovo community in a broad time-span from the foundation of the village in 1900 till the situation of the community in Czechoslovakia after the re-emigration in 1948-1950. Although history of Vojvodovo is rather known, this is the first time when it is thematised by a member of the given community. The transliteration of the Cizkova's manuscript is supplemented by explanatory notes and a short introduction to the phenomenon of Vojvodovo.
EN
Since recently, Bulgarian ethnology has been dominated by three major problems: community, ethnicity and identity. What is peculiar in this context is not the very study of the ethnic and religious communities as such but the methods applied to examine them. On the one hand, a nearly mass interest has been focused on the Turkish and Roma ethnic communities; on the other hand, to the Muslim religious groups have been given a great attention as well. The attempts to study other communities settled in the Bulgarian ethnic territory, whether in the past or only recently, are rather sporadic. This study deals with the specific aspects of identity of a small but unique community living in this territory. In this case, the very interest in the Slovak community is not an anti-thesis but an example of a different attitude to the issue. The Slovak ethnic group in Bulgaria consisted of approximately 1,300 -2,000 people. Their life changed entirely between 1945 and 1949, when an overwhelming majority of Slovaks returned from Bulgaria back to their motherland. They left either on their own will or followed an appeal issued by the Czechoslovak Republic calling all emigrants to return back home. At the end of the 1940s, when the re-emigration process was ended up, the Slovak ethnic diaspora in the Bulgarian territory practically ceased to exist. Verbal art, songs, music and dances, rituals, beliefs, and all other elements of folk tradition serving as pillars supporting ethnic awareness in the 'Bulgarian' Slovaks were weakened. Although Slovak was the language of communication in the domestic sphere, it gradually incorporated the elements of Bulgarian into its structures. However, it has always retained its function, is still alive and used in everyday interactions. Moreover, several of its unique features have been preserved by the re-emigrants. In the past, the important role was also played by the schools, sports clubs, theatre groups and other societies. Nowadays, the Slovak ethnic community in Bulgaria can be referred to as the dispersed diaspora.
EN
This study deals with dissonant memory processes through the example of post-war displacements of population – 1) voluntary (re)emigration of Czechs from Yugoslavia, who replaced the original German population in the Czechoslovak borderlands, and immanently also 2) of those forcibly displaced “silenced Others”. The text observes the practice of silencing inconvenient memories and shows, through the example of the participants in the post-war (re)emigration to Czechoslovakia, how this complex memory legacy is approached. Taking Czech families displaced from Yugoslavia as an example, the research on the generational transmission of family memory offers replies through the identification of narrative strategies which they used and which lead to their cumulative victimization. This practice demonstrates historical implications – power dynamics reflecting the complex stage of the post-war social, cultural and political development in Czechoslovakia. I believe that considering historical implications allows us to problematize the established unproductive binary oppositions and analytical categories (perpetrators vs. victims; voluntary vs. forced migration), and last but not least, it suggests possible ways of bringing the silenced memory of those forcibly displaced – the “silenced Others” to mind.
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