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THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY AND THE ECHR IN STRASBOURG AND RELIGIOUS SYMBOLS

100%
Falski J.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
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2006
|
issue 28
159-165
EN
In the light of its constitution, the Republic of Turkey is in public-legal categories a secular country. However, due to vitality of Muslim religion practiced by 95% of citizens, Turkey finds it difficult to defend secularism in the way western democracies do. In a recent period both in Turkey and in other European countries (especially in France), a new problem appeared concerning wearing the headscarf, or the hijab. It accumulated political significance as a religious symbol. Thus, specific bans on wearing the hijab were introduced in Turkey. One of them, introduced by the University in Istambul, resulted in filing a lawsuit against Turkey before the Strasbourg-based European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) (Layla Shain v. Turkey). The Court decided that there was no human rights violation (Convention art. 9), and the University acted properly and within means available in a democratic society.
2
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THE CONFLICT OVER ISLAMIC HEADSCARVES IN FRANCE

100%
Podgorska K.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2007
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issue 3(324)
127-141
EN
The problem of wearing religious symbols in France seems to be an issue of extreme importance and one that evokes strong emotions in the Fifth Republic of France. The article gives a short description of the history of the controversy and debate over wearing religious symbols in France. It also looks at the legal regulations, and considers the legitimacy of the adopted solution and its possible consequences. The reflections are presented against the backdrop of the French idea of 'laicité', i.e. the lay character of the state and separation of the authority of the state and the Church which functions legally in France since the beginning of the 20th century. 1989 is taken as the starting point of the history of the conflict over wearing religious symbols, since it was then that the 'headscarf incident' took place at the school in Creil. From that moment on a heated political and social debate began, in the course of which state authorities made various (also contradictory) decisions 'about headscarves' (a cliché for all, not just Muslim religious symbols). Many groups joined in the discussion - churches, lay organizations and public institutions. Interestingly, the debate was not limited to the problem of wearing religious symbols at school, but also concerned other places such as the French street or place of work.
3

"ČOKOLÁDOVÁ MÁRIA" - "RÓMSKE KRESŤANSTVO" NA SLOVENSKU

100%
Podolinská T.
Etnologické rozpravy (Ethnological Disputes)
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2007
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vol. 14
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issue 1
50-77
EN
The aim of the study is to emphasize the need to re-examine terminology commonly used in relation to the 'Romany religiosity'. The historical and cultural contexts of the notions 'religion' and 'Christianity' need to be particularly re-examined. The authoress focuses on the phenomena of present 'Romany folk beliefs'. The Slovak majority defines the later as superficial. The authoress argues that this type of Christianity is practiced specifically 'within' (in particularly on the margin of), 'out of' or 'parallely with' official Christianity. She outlines the main features of the 'Romany Christianity' putting them into general typologies as well as non-European types of Christianity respectively non-European types of religions (according to Harvey Whitehouse and Simon Coleman's typologies). Consequently, she defines 'Romany Christianity' as an 'imagistic' mode of religiosity with a 'contractual' type of the 'God's agreement' in contrast with the 'doctrinal' mode of religiosity and 'covenant' type of the 'God's agreement' common in the 'Christianity of majority'. Unlike previous, 'negative' definitions of Romany folk beliefs as 'deviations' or 'contamination' of the majority beliefs, the new typology developed by the authoress enables neutral definition of 'Romany Christianity'. The 'Chocolate Mary' (i.e. Virgin Mary with a brown colour of skin) is used within the study as the authoress' metaphor for the 'Romany Christianity' and at the same time as an authentic example of the 'Romany transcription/translation' of a religious symbol.
4
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Francuski zakaz noszenia symboli religijnych w szkołach publicznych przed ETPC. Kontrowersje, uwagi, oceny

45%
Falski J.
Studia z Prawa Wyznaniowego
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2011
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vol. 14
79-109
PL
Artykuł stanowi próbę podsumowania i oceny francuskiej ustawy, regulującej w oparciu o zasadę laickości noszenie symboli lub ubiorów uzewnętrzniających przynależność religijną w szkołach, gimnazjach i liceach publicznych, z perspektywy ponad 7 lat obowiązywania. Analiza opiera się na wnioskach płynących z praktyki administracyjnej, orzeczniczej, a także uwag doktryny. Szczególnie interesujące, rozszerzające kontekst problemu, jest orzecznictwo Europejskiego Trybunału Praw Człowieka. Organ ten uznaje laicki model państwa za idealną okoliczność, umożliwiającą korzystanie na równych zasadach z pełnej wolności wyznania. Kwestie dotyczące laickości są we Francji wciąż żywotne, aktualne i dyskutowane, rządząca partia UMP (Union pour un Mouvement Populaire) zainicjowała w marcu 2011 wielką batalię o laickość. Fakt, że po drugiej stronie barykady znajduje się bardzo liczna mniejszość muzułmańska, nadaje temu konfliktowi, w którym kwestia noszenia chust jest na czołowym miejscu, cywilizacyjny wymiar.
EN
The article attempts to re-examine and evaluate the French secularism-driven law on conspicuous symbols or clothing manifesting religious affiliation in state elementary, junior and high schools after more than 7 years since it became effective. The analysis is based on the conclusions from the administrative practice, case law and comments made in the doctrine. Of particular interest, and at the same time broadening the context of the problem, is the case law of the European Court of Human Rights. This body considers the secular model of the state as an ideal circumstance, permitting the exercise of full religious freedom in the conditions of equality. The issues of secularism in France are invariably vital, relevant and debated; the ruling party UMP (Union pour un Mouvement Populaire) launched a new pro-secularism campaign in March 2011. The fact that the other side of the barricade is lined by a large Muslim minority makes this conflict, with its scarf ban issue being the top sticking point, raise to become a civilization clash.
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