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EN
In the first century BC a new form of saddle was adopted by the Roman army. It has been claimed that this so-called 'four horned saddle' was a Celtic invention, though there is evidence to suggest a Central Asian origin. The earliest representations of it came not only from Roman Gaul, but also from the Sarmatian-influenced Bosporan kingdom and from Syria. A functional analysis of the saddle suggests that it had developed to suit the needs of warriors on the Eurasian steppe - especially horse archers and heavy cavalry. The rear 'horns' provided the support needed by their long, two handed lances, while the front horns prevented the rider from somersaulting out of the saddle backwards, or sliding forwards on the horse's neck, and served to hold the reins when the archer was busy shooting. Components of Roman saddles recovered by excavation and experience with modern replicas allow conclusions concerning the shape of the saddle tree, the lining materials employed under the saddle, and how the breast, haunch and girth straps were fitted to the saddle.
EN
A travelling was lengthy, dangerous and expensive in the middle Ages; long-distance travels were therefore not as frequent as they are today. Travellers were mostly traders, soldiers, artists, diplomats and missionaries. Byzantine scholars and saints, Constantine the Philosopher and his brother Methodius may be included in the two latter categories. The natives of Thessaloniki made several journeys in the second half of the 9th century. The study focuses on their missions to the Arabs, the Khazars, to Great Moravia, and, finally, to Rome in 867, which was their last joint mission. The paper suggests possible routes and chronology of the journeys the brothers made during the studied period.
Studia Historica Nitriensia
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2016
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vol. 20
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issue 2
379 – 405
EN
The paper deals with the question of historicity of legend of the Roman saints Gallicanus, John and Paul. It is still often presented as genuine history to the Czech reader. Henceforth, three facets of the legend are examined using philological and historical tools. Historicity of the characters featured in the legend, as well as the mutual relations among the historical ones, as portrayed by the legend, is examined, and confronted with historical fact on their actual relations. Gallicanus’ alleged battle against the Scythians at Philippopolis is checked as whether it is identifiable to any event recorded in other sources. And lastly, the question of Julian’s sojourn to Rome, which seems necessary within the plot of the legend, is tested for being ruled out for the entire time of his reign. Thus the classical method for examining the historicity of a legend is presented, while at the same time demonstrating the limitations it necessarily suffers even when as historically absurd a legend is examined. Yet, based only on these limitations, the legend cannot be presented as history.
Studia Historica Nitriensia
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2019
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vol. 23
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issue 2
293 – 329
EN
Léon Herrmann’s attempt at identifying the six anonymous leaders presented by Seneca in his De ira as exempla of the victims of anger has met little interest so far. As in the sixth one he wanted us to see Jesus of Nazareth, it is no surprise that his attempt remained neglected as a whole, since his method of discovering new non-Christian testimonies to Jesus and early Christianity has rightly fallen into disrepute as being almost non-scientific. Seneca’s leaders, however, do not draw too much attention even of his modern commentators or translators who only now and then try to identify them and never more than two of them. Herrmann’s attempt and the few reactions to it thus at least increases the number of candidates and some clues are even at hand for better verification of all the identifications as yet suggested of these sixth leaders. Following these clues, there are some conditions, yet certainly very unlikely to have actually occurred, under which Jesus could be considered to have been in Seneca’s mind. Further interesting speculations on the date of the De ira and the conditions of the early Christian community in Rome can be added, yet bearing in mind the very frail basis upon which they rest.
Studia Historica Nitriensia
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2018
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vol. 22
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issue 2
317 – 334
EN
The paper analyzes and compares methods and accuracy of the descriptions of ancient Roman monuments in two important Old Bohemian travelogues from the beginning of the 17th century: the Pilgrimage of Christopher Harant of Polzice and Bezdruzice (1564 – 1621; travelogue printed in 1608) and the travelogue of Friedrich of Donin (ca. 1574 – 1634; travelogue preserved in a single manuscript). Both travelogues are richly illustrated. They describe both specific monuments of the city of Rome at the turn of the 16th and 17th centuries as well as the types of monuments not all of which are of Roman origin, but can also be found in Rome (such as obelisks and pyramids). In his account, Donin prefers to provide general information about the monuments rather than to describe his own journey. However, due to the missing page, we do not know the exact beginning of his description. The descriptions are chronological: first, he depicts the monuments of pagan Rome; second, Christian churches and basilicas; and, finally, the secular buildings of Christian Rome. The preserved part of the account of Roman pagan monuments starts topographically with the Vespasianic Templum Pacis and the Palatine hill; nevertheless, while speaking of imperial arches, Donin abandons the method and describes instead the most important monuments according to their type. The arches are followed by the Flavian amphitheatre, the Theatre of Marcellus, Roman baths, the Pyramid of Cestius, the obelisks of Rome, the columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius and the mausoleum of Hadrian. Donin is well versed in architecture. His concise descriptions of monuments are mostly accurate. Contrary to Harant who labels most building stones as “marble”, Donin distinguishes between different kinds of building stones (marble, travertine, porphyry). The lack of autopsy in Harant’s descriptions is sometimes obvious. Not only in verbal descriptions, but also in illustrations (the Egyptian pyramids resembling obelisks). On the other hand, Harant’s travelogue is much more extensive and elaborate, whereas the greatest difference between him and Donin when it comes to the information processing method is Harant’s ubiquitous bibliographical citations and the lack of these in Donin’s work.
Studia theologica
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2012
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vol. 14
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issue 4
62–87
EN
Prior to World War I, Clerics from Moravia studied in Rome at the Collegium Germanicum or at the S. Maria dell‘Anima, while clerics from Bohemia studied at the Bohemicum. After the establishment of an independent Czechoslovakia, the archbishops of Olomouc wanted to continue to send students to Rome. With regard to the establishment of an independent Czechoslovakia, they began to consider establishing a common Czechoslovak college. First, it was important to resolve the issue of financial backing not only for the construction work but also for the operations of the college. Gradually, the number stabilized at 5–6 students, who also remained there during World War II. The normal situation came to an end, however, after the year 1948, with the beginning of the communist totalitarian regime in Czechoslovakia, when free contact (not only) with Rome terminated.
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