Search results - CEJSH

1

Russia’s Choice: Change Is Coming

100%

Petrov N.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2017

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issue 4

86-95

EN

The article outlines some socio-political phenomena and trends observed in Russia at the regional as well as federal level. The author concludes that a wise government should conform to objective laws of societal growth, such as the swinging of the pendulum from the centre to the regions, in order to reap maximum benefits from the position it finds itself in.

2

Rosja przechodzi do natarcia?

100%

Nikołaj Pietrov N.

Polski Przegląd Dyplomatyczny

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2018

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issue 2

41-50

EN

How Russia would change after march 2018 Presidential Election? Nikola Petrov describes a political system and the form of rule under Putin. He tries to define the future path of the political reform and all possible changes.

3

Miński Dylemat Rosji

100%

Menkiszak M.

Polski Przegląd Dyplomatyczny

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2018

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issue 2

51-67

EN

So called Minsk peace process determines Russian participation in the solving of self-created problem with a Donbas. Marek Menkiszak describes relation of Russia with its western partners

4

Rosja potrzebuje sukcesów

100%

Bryc A.

Polski Przegląd Dyplomatyczny

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2018

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issue 2

67-78

EN

System created by Vladimir Putin needs a huge successes and the some positive prediction for the citizens of Russia. Is it possible?

5

Russia’s Minsk Dilemma

63%

Menkiszak M.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2017

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issue 4

70-85

EN

The essay examines Russia’s dillemmas with the Minsk Agreements three years after the signing of Minsk II, which defined grounds for putting an end to the conflict in much greater detail than the Minsk I Agreement of September 2014. The conflict was to end with a ceasefire, followed by a withdrawal of heavy weapons on both sides, an exchange of and amnesty for all hostages, democratic elections held in the occupied areas of Donbas and its reintegration with Ukraine. This would result in the region’s special status and restoration of Ukrainian control over the entire Russo-Ukrainian border in the east of Ukraine, but so far no provision of this 13-point plan has been implemented in full.

6

Central Asia: Under Pressure from Russia and Its Integration Projects

63%

Assanbayev M. B.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2015

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issue 1

123-136

EN

Kazakhstan is the first, but not the last country in Central Asia to be the focus of the aggressive ambitions of Russia’s foreign policy aimed at the creation of supranational integration alliances. Prospects for the creation of a Eurasian Union under the rule of Russia would mean at least a partial loss of political independence for other country-members in Central Asia. Moscow is already actively promoting the entry of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan into all of its integrationist organisations. What are Russia’s main foreign policy goals in the former Soviet Central Asian states? The article is devoted to an analysis of the continuing evolution of contemporary Russian foreign policy, which shapes its regional and international behaviour. It will also attempt to assess the impact and consequences of contemporary Russian foreign policy in Central Asia.

7

Cohesion and Flexibility of NATO’s Response to Russia’s Problem

63%

Baev P. K.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2016

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issue 1

22-30

EN

The new strategic reality for the Atlantic Alliance is shaped not by the increase of instability and uncertainty, but by a very definite increase of direct military threats from a powerful and aggressive neighbour. This adversary perceives military power as the most effective, indeed the only, available instrument of policy, and has acquired new skills in applying it in both “hybrid” and traditional ways. Russia considers its readiness to deal with high security risks as an important political advantage, and is relentlessly exploiting every potential division in Western unity by seeking to undermine NATO’s ability to act in a timely and cohesive way. Moscow probes and targets strategic vulnerabilities in NATO’s security posture, and tries to maximise its particular positions of power. Besides the Baltic and the Black Sea theatres, Russia may in the near future attempt to utilise its strategic advantage in the Arctic, where it continues to increase military activities and infrastructure, despite the absence of any threats to its interests.

8

„Privately, of course, there is no reason to doubt that the Russians were responsible” – Katyń w stosunkach polsko-brytyjskich 1943–1981

63%

Długołęcki P.

Sprawy Międzynarodowe

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2015

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issue 1

125-144

EN

The Katyn Massacre has played an important role in Polish-British relations during World War II and in the postwar decades. The first part of the article elaborates on the UK’s activity during and directly after WWII, while part two provides information about the 1950s that shows the UK’s position on the so-called Madden Committee established by the U.S. Congress to clarify the circumstances of the Katyn crime. The final part is devoted to the Foreign Office’s approach to plans to erect a monument commemorating the victims in London.

9

Zagadnienia prawne rosyjskiej interwencji zbrojnej na Krymie w 2014 r.

63%

Ochmann P., Wojas J.

Sprawy Międzynarodowe

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2016

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issue 1

89-110

EN

The text focuses on developments in Crimea in 2014, with the authors examining the steps launched by the actors in the aspect of international law. In February 2014 separatist tendencies were on the rise in the Crimean Peninsula, which at the time was part of the Ukrainian state, first and foremost as a result of the 2014 Ukrainian revolution. In consequence, Crimea was annexed by the Russian Federation, and the authors look at Russian action from a legal point of view, taking into account the accepted provisions of international law.

10

The Safety of Poland in the Context of American Ballistic Missile Defense

63%

Waszczykowski W.

Confrontation and Cooperation: 1000 Years of Polish-German-Russian Relations

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2014

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vol. 1

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issue 1

32-38

11

Kilka uwag w związku z polskim wydaniem pracy Rafała Lemkina, Rządy państw Osi w okupowanej Europie

63%

Dębski S.

Sprawy Międzynarodowe

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2014

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issue 3

113-120

EN

The article has been written on the occasion of the first Polish edition of Rafał Lemkin’s classic: Axis Rule in Occupied Europe, the book which paved the way for the legal protection of entire nations threatened with annihilation for political reasons, often by their own state, and adoption by the UN, in December 1948, of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The author argues that an original contribution of Lemkin’s thinking to development of international and humanitarian law laid not only in his view that the civilised nations should condemn, prohibit and prevent any attempts of deliberate liquidation of an entire group of people as the “crime of crimes,” with which the mankind lost a chance to benefit from that group’s cultural and intellectual contributions in the future. But also it was Lemkin’s determination to collect evidence that made it possible to build logical reasoning corroborating the personal responsibility of Third Reich leaders, including Hitler, for the mass crimes committed by German state institutions in occupied European countries. Thus Axis Rule in Occupied Europe was the first attempt to prove responsibility of Nazi Germany for atrocities committed in occupied Europe through careful analysis of law and regulations introduced by the occupying powers.

12

„Russkij mir” – rosyjska polityka sąsiedztwa

63%

Kościński P.

Sprawy Międzynarodowe

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2015

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issue 1

71-87

EN

In public discourse, the policies of Russian President Vladimir Putin are primarily based on the ideology of „Russkiy mir” (Russian World), which is a prerequisite for the construction of a new Russian empire as a union or a bloc of countries with historical and cultural links to Russia. „Russkiy mir” implies the community of nations and states, but the annexation of the Crimea and the war in Ukraine have undermined this community. Does this mean that the concept of „Russkiy mir” is fading? Definitely not.

13

“Still-Born Giant:” How Russia’s Faltering Economy Will Stifle the Eurasian “Economic” Union

63%

Vorobiov I.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2014

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issue 4

99-119

EN

The launch of the Eurasian Economic Union in January 2015 augurs little progress in integrating the economies of Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Armenia. While the existing Customs Union has been impaired by numerous exemptions enforced by Russia, a common external trade policy within the EEU will be derailed by Russia’s economic decline and expansionist foreign policy. Given that the newly created bloc lacks a sense of political actorness, there is no rationale for the European Union to embark on forming bilateral ties with it or negotiating trade policies.

14

Tworzenie się kapitalizmu oligarchicznego w Rosji w latach 90. XX wieku

63%

Ilnicki M.

Prosopon. Europejskie Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne

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2013

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issue 2(6)

151-171

EN

The article discusses the transformation of the oligarchic capitalist system formed after the Soviet Union collapse towards the state-clan capitalism. This process began after the resignation of Boris Yeltsin from the post of the President of the Russian Federation and it continues to the present day. The oligarchs have lost their influence on decisions in the country, and the control of the state authorities has been significantly expanded. This text is a recapitulation of causes and consequences of the events occurring between 2000 and 2012.

15

The Perception of Russia in Poland and Turkey: A Comparative Analysis

51%

Bayır Ö. E.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2015

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issue 1

113-121

EN

This study aims to analyse the perceptions of Russia in Turkey and Poland comparatively. It examines how Russia is perceived by the public in both countries and at various policy levels. In addition, the similarities and differences in Polish and Turkish policymaking and outcomes in terms of the “Russian factor” will be analysed. As Russia has been one of the most important external factors in Turkey’s and Poland’s foreign policy, it is especially difficult to analyse foreign policy issues without taking the Russian factor into account. Historically and politically, Russia has been at the top of threat perceptions in both countries. On the other hand, in focusing on policy outcomes with regards to geopolitics and balance of power, it is obvious that Russia is always in the picture as a factor, as a partner or a threat. In this context, the background of the perception of Russia in these countries’ societies and in their politics will be evaluated first. Then, the similarities, differences and sources of these perspectives will be analysed.

16

Wojna rosyjsko-ukraińska w Donbasie jako wyzwanie dla chińskiej dyplomacji

51%

Adamczyk M.

Wschodnioznawstwo

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2016

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issue 10

133-144

EN

The aim of this article is to analyse Beijing’s actions in the course of the conflict in the Eastern Ukraine in the period from the proclamation of two separatist republics (the Donetsk People’s Republic and the Lugansk People’s Republic) until reaching the cease& re agreement at Minsk in February 2015. This conflict is likely to be the worst security crisis in Europe since the war in Yugoslavia. The fundamental question now is: „is it possible to defuse this crisis without the participation of China?”. The PRC has been a close ally and partner of both Russia and the Ukraine, which poses a tough challenge for Chinese politicians and also put their readiness to get involved in the world’s politics to the test. The conflict in the Ukraine is quite recent and is still evolving and thus still requires a lot of studies. In Poland the & rst publications on this issue have only appeared recently. Economic and political relations between China and Russia are commonly known, but the knowledge of the importance of the Ukraine in China’s politics is still li mi ted, even among the Ukrainian scholars (despite the fact that it is supposed to be the destination of one of the Silk Route branches that travelling through Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and the Black Sea is to reach the Illichivsk harbour in the Ukraine). This essay, which is a continuation of previous researches on the relations between China, the Ukraine and Russia during the course of the Maidan protest and the subsequent annexation of the Crimea by the Russian Federation, intends to & ll this gap providing an analysis of the Chinese politics towards the war in the Eastern Ukraine.

17

K tematickému zaměření divadelních her Kateřiny Veliké

51%

Hrebiková A., Stellner F.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2015

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vol. 101

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issue 1

95-123

EN

This study analyzes the theatrical oeuvre of the Russian empress Catherine II. from political, cultural and literary perspectives. Among other questions, it addresses what goals the monarch was pursuing with her writing, how she herself reflected on her works, where she drew inspiration from, what kinds of forms she selected, and – above all else – which themes she worked with. The authors work within the theoretical concept borrowed from cultural history of cultural transfer (interlinking of cultures) and reject the outdated theory of the Europeanization and modernization of Russian culture. Instead, they prefer the term “diffusion” in the sense of “dissemination of cultures”. They also agree with the main theses of the Tartu-Moscow Semiotic School, that on the basis of “culture transplant” a “dual culture” developed in the Russian Empire. The authors arrive at the conclusion that Catherine the Great did not rank among the best authors of theatrical works of her period, but she was able to gain an audience. At the same time, with this activity she also legitimized her rule and built a positive image for herself and for her empire abroad. Her significance for women’s emancipation also must not be neglected, because she was one of the first women in the Russian Empire to have her own works issued in print.

18

Rola Gruzji w polityce zagranicznej Stanów Zjednoczonych w XXI w.

51%

Kozłowski A.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2014

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issue 6(32)

333-363

EN

Georgia and the United States play in the international area complete different roles. Georgia is a small Caucasian country with limited potential, which could not rather play a crucial role in the foreign policy of the United States – the global actor with interests all over the world. Indeed, this situation took place in 90s. However, the beginning of 21st century and assuming the office of president by George W. Bush changed the position of this country and Georgia started to become more and more important in America foreign policy. The situation shifted when Barack Obama became a president in 2009. Since that time Georgia’s position in American foreign policy started to decrease. The last crisis, which happened in Ukraine and the worsening in relations between the United States and Russia may change the significance of Georgia. The main thesis of this article claims that the role and position of Georgia depend on changing interests of the United States in South Caucasus and Central Asia regions.

19

Mearsheimer and the Poverty of His Realism

51%

Kuźniar R.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2014

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issue 4

141-152

EN

Roman Kuźniar takes a critical stance on the widely discussed article by John Mearsheimer, in which the University of Chicago professor blames the West for the Ukraine crisis. Mearsheimer reiterates that both EU and NATO enlargement could not but be seen as threats to Russian interests. With Western plans to bring Ukraine and Georgia into the EU and possibly to NATO as well, Russia could not have reacted otherwise, Mearsheimer argues. Kuźniar contradicts Mearsheimer’s position, pinpointing long-time Western efforts to build bridges to Moscow and include Russia in close cooperation with NATO, the EU, the G-8 and others. None of that worked, Kuźniar explains, because Russia wanted to be respected as yet another Soviet Union. Kuźniar’s view is that the right way to deal with the “new Russia” is not to appease it, but to contain its aggressive tendencies.

20

Finské velkoknížectví v 19. století, na rozcestí mezi Východem a Západem

51%

Masař T.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2018

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vol. 104

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issue 3

803-824

EN

The aim of the study is to map the development of the Finnish he perception of the Russians and the Russian Empire during the Russian rule of the Grand Duchy of Finland between 1809 and 1917. In the course of the Middle Ages and Early Modern Period, the territory of today’s Finland became a component of the Western civilization circle and its eastern borders became the utmost boundary, beyond which according to Finns there was only barbarism and chaos. The Finnish perception of themselves as a part of the civilized West was then to a significant degree built precisely on the contrast to the barbaric East, but this concept had to be re-evaluated after 1809 when the Grand Duchy of Finland became a component of the Russian Empire. Just changing the perception of the age-old enemy and orientation to the new capital city of Saint Petersburg can be an interesting example of adaptation to the newly emerging conditions and acclimatisation to the current political reality. However, the relationship with the Czarist empire was another change at the turn of the 20th century, this time for the worse. At this point, however, the Finns were a self-confident and fully developed nation that refused to accept the limitations of autonomy and russification of their country. There followed almost two decades of passive resistance and political struggle against the Russian government, which only ended with the revolution in 1917.

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