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EN
The paper analyses the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian confl ict from the point of view of the struggle for remembrance and identity between two post-Soviet states. Will the war of the brotherly nations wreck Russia’s long-term policy towards Ukraine? Will the confl ict ruin Russia’s plans of post-Soviet space reintegration whose pivot is set on Ukraine? Will the war stimulate Ukraine to deal with the issue of its identity, post-Soviet legacy and collective memory? Ukrainian crisis is also a challenge for the transformation of Ukraine’s political system. The relations between Ukraine and Russia are extremely complex as they are built on a shared history, religion, language and culture and they should not be gauged with Western standards. Evaluating the current situation from a broader perspective, the fact that Ukraine plays a signifi cant role in Russia’s foreign policy needs to be emphasised. Ukraine is considered as the key post-Soviet state, a significant ‘near abroad’ country whose position, potential and geopolitical location are vital for the balance of power in both Eastern Europe and Europe in general.
EN
In analyzing the worldwide consequences of the Russia-Ukraine war, it is necessary to consider the position of People’s Republic of China. This results from three major factors. First, the aggressor state, the Russian Federation, has China as a strategic partner. Second, the ongoing armed conflict (which is actually also a confrontation between Russia and US/NATO) coincides with a period of increased rivalry between United States and China. And third, even if China wasn’t Russia’s strategic partner and Sino-American weren’t so tense, it would have been impossible to ignore China’s stance on the war. That is due to the fact that PRC is at present the second superpower and a strong candidate for international leadership. The articles aims to achieve the following research goals: 1) Identifying and explaining PRC’s position on the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine. 2) Assessing the effects of the current war on China’s international position. 3) Identifying the key factors that will determine the future course of PRC’s policy towards the conflict.
EN
This article explores the discursive patterns of communicative events during the Russia-Ukraine war in 2022. Studied through an ethnographic discourse analysis lens (e.g., Hymes 1972b, Saville-Troike [1982] 2003), Polish front-page news articles are shown to be artefact-filled language environment anchored in culture (Duranti [1997] 1999, Hoijer 1953) that can be studied by means of communicational grammar (Chruszczewski 2002) consisting of well-entrenched conceptualisations in the form of keywords and collocations as concomitants of cultural scripts (Goddard and Wierzbicka 2014, Baker 2006, Wierzbicka 1997). It agues that legitimation of patterned representations is based on a three-fold conceptual typology: (1) the axiological (valuational) dimension (Romanyshyn 2020, Pomeroy 2004, Krzeszowski 1997), (2) the metaphorical account of spatial/territorial reference (proximization) (Cap 2013), (3) us vs. them dichotomy (Van Dijk 1992a). It demonstrates how Polish press manufactures and discursively creates ideological attachments which underlie Poland’s cultural legacy.
EN
The paper aims to explain the origins of Egypt’s foreign policy toward the Russian-Ukrainian war. The major hypothesis says that Egypt’s policy towards the Russian-Ukrainian conflict results from Egypt’s relations with the United States, the Russian Federation and regional powers, namely Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, with the Egyptian leaders trying to pragmatically put their policy in line with those of major regional powers with which Cairo has close relations while taking into account interests of their nation.
EN
Against the backdrop of Russian aggression against Ukraine and its global consequences, the paper analyses the evolution of relations between Ukraine and the European Union throughout 2014-2022 and the prospects for Ukraine's European integration. It highlights the peculiarities of the formation of Ukraine's European policy as a strategic direction of foreign policy and a factor of its decisive civilizational choice. The main stages and problems in the implementation of Ukraine's European choice are analysed. The focus is on investigating key events and phenomena in the relationship between Ukraine and the European Union at a fundamentally new stage, from the signing of the Association Agreement in 2014 to granting Ukraine the status of a candidate for EU membership in 2022. It analyses the attitudes of individual European Union member states towards Ukraine's European integration prospects, the impact of the Russian-Ukrainian war on the positive change in the EU and its member states' attitude towards Ukraine and its European aspirations, and concrete measures and actions by the European Union aimed at providing moral and political support as well as economic, financial, humanitarian and military assistance to Ukraine in its heroic resistance to Russian aggression. It is emphasised that Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 not only united Europe and improved the perception of the EU in member states' societies, where the positive image of the European Union reached its highest level in decades, but also maximised Ukrainian support for European integration, which has become the key to Ukraine's resilience in the fight against Russian occupiers
EN
Russia’s armed conflict with Ukraine, ongoing since 2014, has created conditions for Russia to revise the balance of power in Eastern Europe, and even the international order established after the Cold War. The aim of this article is firstly to show Ukraine, in a highly synthetic way, as a state at a crossroads but simultaneously a key state in terms of Russia’s interests in the post-Soviet area, then the motives for Russia’s redrawing the post-Cold War international order, taking into account the location and role of Ukraine. The article merely indicates the problem of research, and does not claim the right to comprehensively cover the issue in question.
EN
The purpose of the article is to examine the initial reactions of the Polish opinion-forming weeklies to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The selection of titles includes examples from the conservative, centrist and liberal press. Assuming the constructivist notion of reality as discursively constructed, the author, using unstructured qualitative content analysis, strives to answer the following main research questions: How is Polish and Ukrainian society pictured in press materials? Which values are believed to be core for Poles helping Ukrainian refugees, for Polish, Ukrainian and European elites, and for Ukrainian society? Which of them are compromised by internal and external enemies? The author concludes that despite all the ideological differences between the examined weeklies, the general thematic and interpretation frames are very similar. Among them: ‘Poland helps Ukraine and does it efficiently’, ‘refugees from Ukraine deserve our help and compassion’, ‘Ukrainian society is extraordinarily united and patriotic’, ‘there are ‘Putin’s allies among the Polish and European elites and they should be revealed and neutralized’, ‘Poland (and/or Europe) have to change in order to survive’. The main differences are in who is considered to be ‘Putin’s ally’, and what values should be pursued in order to survive the threat.
PL
Celem artykułu jest zbadanie pierwszych reakcji polskich tygodników opinii na rosyjską inwazję na Ukrainę. Wybór obejmuje tytuły konserwatywne, centrowe i liberalne. Opierając się na konstruktywistycznym pojmowaniu rzeczywistości jako dyskursywnie konstruowanej, autor, stosując jakościową, nieustrukturyzowaną analizę treści, stara się odpowiedzieć na następujące główne pytania badawcze: jak w materiałach prasowych przedstawiane jest polskie i ukraińskie społeczeństwo? jakie wartości przedstawiane są jako fundamentalne dla Polaków pomagających ukraińskim uchodźcom, dla polskich, ukraińskich i europejskich elit oraz dla społeczeństwa ukraińskiego? które z nich są zagrożone przez wrogów wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych? Autor konkluduje, że pomimo wszystkich różnic ideologicznych między badanymi tygodnikami, ogólne ramy tematyczne, a nawet interpretacyjne, są bardzo zbliżone. Wśród nich: „Polska pomaga Ukrainie i czyni to skutecznie”, „Uchodźcy z Ukrainy zasługują na naszą pomoc i współczucie”, „społeczeństwo ukraińskie jest niezwykle zjednoczone i patriotyczne”, „wśród polskich i ukraińskich elit znajdują się »sojusznicy Putina« i powinni oni zostać ujawnieni i unieszkodliwieni”, Polska (i/lub Europa) muszą się zmienić, by przetrwać. Główne różnice dotyczą tego, kto jest „sprzymierzeńcem Putina” i jakimi wartościami należy się kierować, aby przetrwać zagrożenie.
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