Search results - CEJSH

1

DOKTRYNA WOJENNA FEDERACJI ROSYJSKIEJ W XX I XXI WIEKU. CELE – ZADANIA – KIERUNKI DZIAŁANIA

100%

Malendowski W.

Przegląd Strategiczny

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2017

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issue 10

55-94

EN

The collapse of the USSR as a subject of international law and a significant geopolitical entity ultimately put an end to the Cold War and the bipolar system of international relations. The Russian Federation, as international successor and continuator of the Soviet Union, was downgraded to the position of a second-rate empire and faced the objective necessity of developing new principles for its security policy and war doctrine. The hitherto coalition-based Soviet war doctrine became invalid. In the concepts of foreign policy and other official documents developed from the early 1990s to 2010 the role of Russia was presented as that of a global power with global interests. The significance of the Russian military potential was emphasized, including nuclear weapons, as a significant element in the international balance of power. At the same time, Russia asserted its right to use weapons of mass destruction in case of danger to the security of the state. Further war doctrines expanded the catalogue of possible threats, including territorial claims made against Russia, local conflicts in the vicinity of its borders and the external borders of the Commonwealth of Independent States. Particular attention was given to military blocs and alliances. The content of the war doctrines confirms the grand aspirations of Russia as a state taking an active part in the construction of a new international order. In practice, however, Russia has abandoned a reactive policy in favor of concrete actions, applying means that infringe the fundamental principles and norms of international law.

PL

Upadek ZSRR, jako podmiotu prawa międzynarodowego i ważnego bytu geopolitycznego, doprowadził do ostatecznego zakończenia zimnej wojny i demontażu dwubiegunowego systemu stosunków międzynarodowych. Federacja Rosyjska jako prawno-międzynarodowy sukcesor i kontynuator Związku Radzieckiego, zdegradowana do rangi mocarstwa drugiej kategorii, znalazła się w obliczu obiektywnej konieczności opracowania nowych zasad polityki bezpieczeństwa i doktryny wojennej. Straciła aktualność dotychczasowa, koalicyjna radziecka doktryna wojenna. W rezultacie, już w nowej sytuacji geopolitycznej i geostrategicznej, przygotowano koncepcje bezpieczeństwa narodowego oraz kolejne doktryny wojenne (1993 r., 2000 r., 2010 r., 2014 r., 2015 r.). Zarówno w koncepcjach polityki zagranicznej, jak i w innych oficjalnych dokumentach opracowanych od początku ostatniej dekady XX wieku, do 2010 r., wskazywano na rolę Rosji jako mocarstwa światowego, posiadającego globalne interesy. Podkreślano także znaczenie rosyjskiego potencjału wojskowego, w tym broni jądrowej, jako istotnego elementu międzynarodowego układu sił. Jednocześnie zawarowano sobie prawo do użycia broni masowego rażenia w razie zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa państwa. W kolejnych doktrynach wojennych poszerzano katalog zagrożeń, o roszczenia terytorialne wobec Rosji, konflikty lokalne w pobliżu jej granic i zewnętrznych granic Wspólnoty Niepodległych Państw. Szczególną uwagę zwracano na bloki i sojusze wojskowe. Ich powiększanie i przybliżanie do granic Rosji traktowano, jako nadzwyczajne niebezpieczeństwo. Czynnikiem, który mógłby je umocnić, był system tworzony przez Organizację Bezpieczeństwa i Współpracy w Europie. Początkowo zakładano, że w dającej się przewidzieć przyszłości nie ma groźby agresji na szerszą skalę. Podkreślano również, że Rosja nie traktuje a priori żadnego państwa jako przeciwnika. Dlatego też deklarując gotowość do odparcia siłą napaści zewnętrznej, nie wskazywano na potencjalnego agresora. Dopiero w doktrynie wojennej z 2010 r., jednoznacznie wskazano na najważniejsze zagrożenie zewnętrzne bezpieczeństwa Rosji. Odniesiono je do NATO podkreślając, że dąży ono do przyznania sobie globalnych funkcji, z naruszeniem prawa międzynarodowego oraz przybliżenia swojej infrastruktury wojskowej do granic Federacji Rosyjskiej. W związku z tym, w kategoriach zagrożenia potraktowano poszerzenia NATO o państwa Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej oraz amerykańskie plany budowy tarczy antyrakietowej w tym regionie. Rosja zastrzegła sobie prawo do użycia broni jądrowej w odpowiedzi na agresję z zastosowaniem broni jądrowej i innych rodzajów broni masowego rażenia oraz w przypadku agresji konwencjonalnej, gdy zagrożone będzie istnienie państwa. Z drugiej strony, eksponując nadrzędne znaczenie prawa międzynarodowego, deklarowała wolę zapewniania bezpieczeństwa całej społeczności międzynarodowej, z poszanowaniem postanowień Karty NZ. Treść doktryn wojennych stanowi potwierdzenie mocarstwowych aspiracji Rosji, jako państwa biorącego aktywny udział w budowie nowego ładu międzynarodowego. Natomiast w praktyce Rosja odchodząc od polityki reaktywnej do konkretnych działań, stosuje środki naruszające podstawowe zasady i normy prawa międzynarodowego.

2

Miejsce Europy w globalnej strategii USA

94%

Stachura J.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

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2014

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issue 4

41-58

EN

For more than sixty years American grand strategy is based on the conviction that external environment is of fundamental importance for US core interests in security, prosperity and domestic liberty. There was the foundation for containment policy and after the cold war succeeding presidents on this conviction have based their deep engagement in world affairs. In XXI century as American supremacy has been steadily diminished, Washington is still ready to lead the world, but wants to share with partners the burdens of keeping it in order. The idea of partnership isn’t put into words explicitly. It emphasizes burden-sharing between US and the partners, sometimes is about the transfer of crisis-management capacity and it has sought to advance American leadership as well. European states – NATO and EU members – are seen as indispensable Washington’s allies, densely connected with the US through transatlantic partnership. Due to community of values and the convergence of strategic interests, and because of its own peculiarity EU is not and won’t be America’s strategic rival. After few years of diminished interest in old continent, when president B. Obama focused his attention on domestic policy and on problems in other world’s regions, since March 2014 he has decided to take the initiative in European affairs. Russia’s aggression towards Ukraine has serious consequences for Washington’s European and global strategy. In Europe there is increased request for US leadership. From American point of view it might come with expectations, that the allies will be eager to strengthen their cooperation with Washington in other regions, especially in Asia.

3

Eurazjatycka Unia Gospodarcza – plany i perspektywy rozwoju organizacji

94%

Waśkiel T.

Wschodnioznawstwo

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2017

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issue 11

427-439

EN

The Eurasian Economic Union is an organization that consists of five member states – Russia, Kazakhstan, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan and Armenia. Declaratively, this initiative is purely economic, but it’s hard not to notice also its political nature. Compared to previous attempts to integrate the post-Soviet area, this current (Eurasian) is quite efficient, although many of the objectives still remain unfulfilled. Politicians (especially Russian) are looking for ways to strengthen the organization and, in addition to deepening cooperation, are also planning to expand the ECU and attract some other states. Politicians ideas often do not coincide with reality and in this article they have been critically analyzed. The most likely future member of the ECU seems to be Tajikistan, a country still heavily dependent on Russia. Other ideas for widening the organization are very questionable (Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, Moldova), some of them are unreal (Turkey, Syria) and some even surprising (Greece, Cyprus).

4

Ближневосточный геостратегический вектор Российской Федерации

94%

Кондратенко О.

Wschodnioznawstwo

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2017

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issue 11

479-499

EN

The Russian Federation is actively seeking to reestablish its influence in the Middle East, which at one time was an important area of geostrategic interests of the USSR. In the 1990s, Russia was trying to consolidate itself in the Middle East by demonstrating its participation in the settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict and in helping to curtail the Iranian nuclear program. Recently, the Russian Federation has strengthened its presence in the Middle East by supporting B. Assad’s authoritarian regime, besides, the provocation of instability in Syria, in the face of the fight against ISIS, has led to an increase in the flow of refugees to the European Union, which thereby undermines its stability and unity. Russia is also interested in spreading control over the extraction and transit of energy resources to Europe, and because of the support of the destruction in the region of the Middle East, Moscow is taking steps to eliminate energy rivals in the European market for hydrocarbons, as the oil and gas transit of the Persian Gulf is carried out precisely by the territory of Syria. In general, the overwhelming task of strengthening Russia’s influence in the Middle East is to patronize the creation of an anti-Western coalition from among such states as Syria, Iran, Iraq, Turkey, Egypt and Libya. An indication of this is the build-up of Russia’s supply of Iran and Egypt with the latest weaponry in order to increase their geopolitical weight and change the balance of power in the region as a whole. With all of the Russian-Turkish relations are unstable, primarily because of differences in the support of the Syrian regime, B. Asad.

5

Funkcjonowanie Osetii Południowej w świetle prawa narodów do samostanowienia

94%

Lesyk-Szkutnik Y.

Wschodnioznawstwo

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2017

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issue 11

337-345

EN

South Ossetia also known as the Tskhinvali Region, is a partially recognised state in the South Caucasus. Georgia as an independent state has got a great problem with this region. The main reason is a very important role of Russian Federation in the process of destabilization the political situation in the country. Two wars from the past (1992, 2008) showed that South Essetia didn’t have the rigth to use the argument of self-determination of the nation.

6

Carsko-sowiecka mitologia rosyjskich służb specjalnych

94%

Kaszuba M.

Studia Politologiczne

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2017

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vol. 43

223-237

EN

The cult of secret services in Russia has a long tradition. Their role and importance is a subject of specific mythologization. It is particularly evident since the foundation of the Federal Security Service, when checkist ideology, adapted to the political realities of 90s, has been exploited again. With even greater force, the myth of secret services’ officers was created from the beginning of the Vladimir Putin’s career in the Kremlin. The purpose of this article is to characterize the objective phenomenon, taking into account, among others, the role of Orthodox Church and the of Russian culture creators.

7

Examples of hybrid activities in Baltic countries

94%

Oleksiak K.

Obronność – Zeszyty Naukowe Wydziału Zarządzania i Dowodzenia Akademii Sztuki Wojennej

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2018

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issue 2(26)

11

PL

W niniejszym artykule, autorka precyzuje podejście do działań o charakterze hybrydowym, prezentując ich istotę oraz analizując ich elementy składowe. Artykuł oparty jest na jawnej części raportów dotyczących kontrwywiadu krajów bałtyckich i prezentuje rosyjskie działania przeprowadzone w krajach bałtyckich w pierwszej oraz drugiej fazie działań hybrydowych.

8

Polska i Rosja w narracji historycznej Partii Politycznej „Zmiana”

94%

Tokarz G.

Wschodnioznawstwo

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2016

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issue 10

271-278

EN

Article refers to the ratio Party activists groups „Change” to the recent history of Polish-Russian relations. In what way it is portrayed in contemporary Poland. They show their importance for historical policy pursued for in elite of the Third Republic. It shows the importance of symbols. We analyzed the documents that have been issued by this group. The author also reached the journalistic speech, as well as representatives of the scientific Party „Change”.

9

Derring Russia in the Baltics to Allow US Power Projection in the Pacific

94%

Middents M. G.

Security Forum

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2017

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vol. 1

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issue Volume 1 No. 2/2017

47-58

EN

The balance of power in the world is fluctuating as the US is facing new competitors as the People’s Republic of China being as rising power. So, if tensions between the US and China or another near-peer will grow, the US would need to dedicate significant resources to the face new threat. Such a shift of power could affect the balance of power in other regions of the world and it could even trigger Russian opportunism in its former Soviet satellites. There could be a risk that NATO’s current military structure in the Baltic States leaves its Eastern flank exposed to potential risks. The paper argues that additional initiatives such as easing the flow of Allied forces across borders, the establishment of NATO anti-access/ area denial (A2AD) measures and efforts towards political cohesion need to be added and done so in a manner to gain maximum benefits from their combined effects.

10

Rosgvard, National Guards Russian Federation

94%

Rosłan G.

Security Forum

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2017

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vol. 1

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issue Volume 1 No. 2/2017

87-95

EN

In the article, the author describes the National Guard of the Russian Federation as a new formation formed recently in connection with the changes of the Russian uniformed services. The aim of the article is to familiarize readers with the purpose, mission and tasks of the new formation. The author emphasizes that federal services, including the National Guard, operate independently of the Russian armed forces and are directly controlled by the president of the Russian Federation as internal forces. Now the National Guard is becoming the core element of such forces. The new formation has taking over the part of the tasks of internal forces, including part of mission of the special police departments, for instance OMON. The director of the new Federal Service is also the commander of the National Guard. This means that the current changes are creating a coherent internal security system, based on an alternative internal army. The author describes the results of his literature research and open sources on the subject.

11

Globalization: Challenges for Russia in Post-Crisis World

94%

Ignatova T.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2012

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issue 2.3(20.3)

67-73

EN

The text examines some current transformations going on in Russia in so called Post-Crisis World. Globalization processes that bring along unification or uniformity of goods and services provide also some evidence for the opposite phenomenon – i.e. for diversification and “closure” on what is forcefully proposed by transnational capital, transnational institutions and organizations. As seen in the article, the place and role of Russia, or more precisely – Russian migrants (including professionals) on the global labour market is an important factor that needs to be taken into account while trying to understand the potential consequences of current global and regional changes.

12

The theoretical Basis for Criminological forecasting of Crime (with Russia Example)

94%

Laskowska K.

Internal Security

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2018

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vol. 10(1)

95-105

EN

The paper discusses the problems of criminological forecasting of crime. The analyses have been based on issues concerning theoretical foundations and assumptions of this process in Russia. Since it is a country with considerable socio-demographic, religious and cultural diversity, it must analyse, assess and monitor these territorial differences in crime and skilfully anticipate the changes taking place there. Russia is the country that already has experience in predicting the development of crime. Current Russian criminological literature has been used in the deliberations. The publication presents various definitions of criminological crime forecasting. Attention was drawn not only to the need to anticipate changes in criminal trends but also to the evolution of crime causes. The sources of information necessary to forecast this phenomenon have also been indicated. It has been emphasized that this is, in particular, knowledge about socio-economic and political transformations taking place in the country. The several stages and complexity of the forecasting process, as well as its result in the form of a crime forecast, have also been underlined. By presenting a number of forecasting objectives, its usefulness for the protection of the security of the state and its citizens have been emphasized. The basics of conducting research analyses in the form of three scientific methods (extrapolation, modelling, and application of criminological expertise) have been discussed, as well. The classifications of forecasting and the periods applied in practice have been presented. The above issues have been discussed on the basis of theoretical assumptions adopted by Russian criminologists. Attention has been focused on the most important issues for preventing and combatting crime. The considerations have confirmed the need to anticipate the development of crime.

13

Multikulturalita Ruské federace a její reflexe ve školním vzdělávání

94%

Ježková V.

Pedagogická orientace (Journal of the Czech Pedagogical Society)

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2012

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vol. 22

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issue 4

565-480

EN

The Russian Federation is a considerably multicultural country, which also influences the school. The subjects of the study are two main areas: dealing with he nationalities issue and the language policy of the Russian Federation, namely at the level of the whole society and at the level of school education. In the summary the situation in the Russian Federation is compared to the situation in the Czech Republic and and other countries: Germany, Great Britain and Sweden.

14

Power Rivalry in the Post-Soviet Space in Political and Military Domain

94%

Włodkowska-Bagan A., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2012

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issue 2 (2)

PL

Since the mid-90s the Russian Federation has remained the most important player in the CIS region. It has the greatest potential of instruments which can be used towards the post-Soviet states in political and military domain to maintain and maybe even broaden its influence in its former colonies. It seems that Iran has the least potential to employ. Its situation is the most complex one because of Western and Turkish concerns not only about fundamentalism export to the Muslim post-Soviet countries but also the disturbing issues not directly connected with the CIS region – Iranian nuclear program, its backing for terrorist organization in the Middle East, its anti-Israeli position and Teheran engagement in the Syrian conflict.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14762

15

SYRIA: THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION’S RETURN TO THE MIDDLE EAST

94%

Minkina M.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2020

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issue 1

EN

Over the years, the Middle East has played a diverse role in Soviet and later Russian foreign policy. During the period of rivalry between the USSR and the US, it was an important area of confrontation. After its end, the Russian Federation became immersed in crisis and lost interest in the region. The Middle East again appeared in the Kremlin’s geostrategic thinking after the Arab Spring which the Russian authorities perceived as fuelled and directed by the West, especially the US. The consequences of these social upheavals in the form of the overthrow of the Libyan leader or the explicit aspirations of the West to remove Bashar al-Assad from power, led Vladimir Putin to take action. This article is an attempt to interpret Russian actions in Syria, including its military involvement, through the prism of the Kremlin’s neo-superpower policy.

16

An energy promise of democratic peace for the arctic: Russia’s case

94%

Stekić N., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2018

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issue 1

EN

It has been widely discussed whether the existing theoretical approaches within the international relations could efficiently explain the newly established phenomena within the international system. As a vast space of emerging importance, the Arctic presents a unique area which is an immanent strategic object of the world’s major powers such as Russia, China, Canada, and the EU. This article uses the democratic peace theory to determine whether the major intervening variables – energy policy and transit potential in the Arctic – could inhibit the theoretically predicted behaviour of such states. Theoretical implication stemming from the literature review points to an inherently more peaceful nature of Russia in this space, unlike the rest of the world. This was an incentive to fill in an epistemological gap of the democratic peace puzzle. Following the logic of the democratic peace theory, this research has demonstrated that the two intervening variables have been omitted and thus they should be incorporated in further empirical research.

17

Transport policy priorities on the example of the seaports of Russian Federation

94%

Zieliński M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2019

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issue 1

EN

The following paper presents the Russian Federation’s policy on sea transport based on The Transport Strategy of The RF. On the one hand the Russian strategic programs are analyzed. On the other hand, the conduct of the strategic plans (guided by governmental assemblies) is taken into consideration.

18

The Kurds in the Former Soviet States from the Historical and Cultural Perspectives

94%

Omarkhali K., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2013

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issue 2 (5)

PL

The history of the Kurdish community in Russia concerns several centuries. The Kurds who live in the today’s Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), before USSR, constitue about 2,5% of all Kurdish population, which is the most important part of the Kurdish Diaspora. The number of Kurds has increased in the Russian Federation especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, when the Kurds began to leave Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Central Asia and began to settle in the Russian Federation. This is a brief study of the Kurds in the former Soviet Union with the study of the demography of the Kurds and their development from historical and cultural perspectives. Special attention is paid to the contemporary situation of the Kurds in the post-Soviet states, in particular on the territory of the Russian Federation.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14760

19

Zahraniční a bezpečnostní politika Ruska a jeho zájmy v regionu Blízkého východu a severní Afriky v kontextu událostí arabského jara

94%

Tichý L.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2015

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vol. 101

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issue 1

125-156

EN

After the end of the Cold War, the relations between the Russian Federation and the states of the Near East and North Africa underwent many different developmental stages during the course of the next two decades. Whereas in the period of Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin’s presidency in the 1990s this region remained rather in the background of Russia’s interests, in the first decade of the 21st century Russia renewed its influence in this region during the presidencies of Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin and then Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev. The events of the Arab Spring became a new challenge for Russia in 2011. In the context of these actualities, there are two main goals for this article. The first is to compare the position of the Russian Federation’s foreign and security policies in the region of the Near East and North Africa in the periods before and during the Arab Spring against the background of Russian interests. The second goal of the article is to define the influence of post-revolutionary developments on Russian foreign and security policy in the region of the Near East and North Africa.

20

Non-military determinants of the Russian Federation policy

94%

Grenda B.

Security and Defence Quarterly

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2019

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vol. 23

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issue 1

23-47

EN

This study analyses various non-military factors in shaping the security policy of the Russian Federation. This work undertakes to establish their substance, content and scope, and to draw the conditions and trends in the political, economic and social security of modern Russia in the context of its international ambitions, role and state security. In the work theoretical method analysis, synthesis, abstracting and generalization were used. Based on the results of the research, it was determined that the specificity of its location definitely exerts an adverse effect on Russian state security. The reconstruction of imperial Russia is among the key goals set forth by Vladimir Putin in Russia’s foreign and military policy. In fact, the entire economic, political and military activity of Russia is subordinated to this goal. With regard to the economic and social state, the dependence of the Russian Federation on the extraction and export of crude oil and natural gas is an obvious indication of the constraints of its economy. Moscow’s particular interests are formulated in official state documents, such as the Military Doctrine and the National Security Strategy. These documents identify not only external and internal threats to state security but above all indicate the means and methods of possible deterrence.

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