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Geneza obrony przeciwrakietowej USA

100%
EN
During the last few decades the issue of the proliferation of the ballistic missile systems is becoming an increasing problem. This type of weapon system is not only efficient on the battlefield but also has a role as an instrument of deterrence. Therefore the defence against this threat is a very important factor, carefully considered by many governments within their military and security policies. This article refers to the evolution of the US missile defence systems that evolved during the Cold War together with the broader background changes in the international security environment of the time. The analysis of this process should underline the complexity of technological, political and economic factors that influence the development of missile defence as a tool of security policy in our times too.
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88%
EN
In the United States, the cradle of civil rights and modern democracy, the freedom of expression is guaranteed in the First Amendment to American Constitution (Bill of Rights), enacted in 1789 (came into force in 1791). On its virtue, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of […] the freedom of speech, or of the press […]”. Although the record suggested that this freedom is absolute (not restricted of any legislation), the later jurisdiction of the US Supreme Court (by case law) isolated categories of utterances that have not been contained by the First Amendment. The essential issues are answers on the following questions: in the name of what values Congress can limit the First Amendment? And where is the border of freedom of speech? One of the expressions that is not protected by the law is obscenity. The term (in Latin obscenus, meaning foul, repulsive, detestable) describes all categories of expressions that profane the standard of sexual morality, that is commonly in force in present time. Obscenity is defined differently in cultures and societies. It is extremely difficult to find the border between art and pornography (e.g. Michelangelo’s David can be an example). What for one is full accepted in art, for others can be recognized as abusive (especially when it is concerned to religion feelings). The role of the government is to take common definition that reflects social consensus in the subject: on the one hand to guarantee the right to freedom of speech, on the other hand to protect citizens from the obscenity matters that are not accepted by them because they flout their customs. American understanding of the obscenity has been changed with the evolution of the social sense of decency. Creating common definition was not easy because general concept could encroach the right to the First Amendment. Subjects that for some readers could cause sexual association and excite them, not necessarily cause similar feelings in other ones. The aim of this analyze is to introduce the history of the debate about obscenity in United States.
EN
The relations between C.S. Peirce's pragmatism and his semeiotica are the basis of applying pragmatic doctrine in the study of the philosophy of sport. In the late period of the development of pragmatism, Pierce emphasized the role emotional- energetic signs-interpretants. They were the necessary stages to proceed conceptual, intellectual interpretation. The process of establishing the meaning (interpretation) of signs requires emotional and energetic activity, even in the course of solving theoretical problems. Peirce clearly emphasized that pragmatism wasn't a theory of truth. It means that pragmatism finds its application not only in theoretical examinations which aim at determining scientific truth, but also in every activity which assumes sign processes. Sport in this respect is particularly interesting, since it is a formal sign-system which is being filled with meaning in specific cultural semiosis, that is sports events, which are important on account of the continuity of earlier and later interpretations.
Filo-Sofija
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2005
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vol. 5
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issue 5
139-158
EN
This article raise almost unnoticed in the literature problem of a creative relation between J.S. Mill and Harriet Taylor (Mill). The author concentrates her attention on their views concerning the situation and rights of women. Comparing the views of a partners, states that thanks to the method which was combination of Socratic dialog and collaborative self, they created an incredible arrangement resting on the literary collaboration.
EN
Following the terrorists’ attacks of 11 September 2001, the position of executive power in the United States has grown in unprecedented way. During two presidential terms of George W. Bush, the foreign policy of the USA was based upon the new vision of global confrontation between good and evil. The war on terror doctrine, which in fact reflected imperial ambitions of the Bush’s administration, dominated the international activities of the global leader and had some impact on its allies in Europe. This article aims to analyse theoretical and factual aspects of so called 9/11 policy in the context of international public law obligations. It constitutes a specific warning against uncritical approval, on the part of states, of any leadership which follows no international regulations. In particular, the article attempts to evaluate the impact the 9/11 policy had on European states including Poland.
EN
The paper focuses on the problems of financing university education through student loans. It presents a comparative overview of the student loan systems in Poland and the United States, where this method of financing education is very common. The author also proposes alternative means of securing student loans in Poland. The construction of the security comes partly from the U.S. student loan system and the concept of securing preferential student loans is based on the student work system.
EN
The article is divided into six parts. In Part I, the author gives introductory notes describing the powers of US Congress. In the subsequent sections, he tries to find out what is the actual status of that body in the system of government. He provides a very positive evaluation of that status in Part II, and presents negative arguments thereon in Part III. In Part IV he analyzes - as he himself defines them - the seven deadly sins of Congress: the growing “balkanization” of the Congress; overexposed position of its committees and subcommittees in the political system; its decades-long weak party discipline and lesser legal and political status of the parliamentary party factions; different Achilles heels of Congressmen; doubtful representativeness of Congress, the excessive complexity of the existing procedures that are used by a temporary minority to delay, block or undermine the necessary legislative proposals, and little, as it seems to be, attention of Congress to its image in society. Part V deals with redefinition of the functions of Congress. The author agrees with those researchers who believe that it was many years ago that Congress ceased to be able to effectively and independently perform its legislative function, as well as that its main role is not law-making, but a specifically understood oversight. Part VI ncludes the conclusions.
EN
The article brings up a complicated problem of the measurement of national power. Many researchers have made numerous attempts to describe the issue in the theoretical view. Theoretical models which were drawn up can give reports of state powers which are not always too competitive. In practice, the task of setting the real measurement and comparing national powers is very complicated. In this area the most appropriate are models of F.C.German and J.S.Cline. Factors affecting the establishing of position of the state are various. For example the role of having the nuclear arsenal is still significant, but not as important as it was in the 1960s and 1970s. Of course the basic elements like geographical situation, relations with bordering states, military, economic, demographic component still exist. At present earlier determinants in form of: energetic resources, radioactive elements, petroleum, natural gas, demographic factors, even cultural attractiveness are gaining importance in positioning power. Position of power is not given forever and can change even as a result of random events.
EN
Born into a family boasting eminent educators—William Greenleaf Eliot, founder of Washington University in St. Louis, and Charles William Eliot, famous Harvard President—T.S. Eliot joined the debate about schools and universities early on, in the era of the great educational reform leading to the development of the system of elective courses. He criticized the changes and the resulting decline of Classics, though his concern with the problem of education was never being purely theoretical. On the one hand, his own education was a product of the elective system, and he himself, as he complained, a “victim” of it. On the other hand, Eliot, for a while, was also a teacher: prior to working at Lloyds Bank, and before his professional and financial investment in Faber and Faber, he taught pupils in grammar schools and, as an extension lecturer under the auspices of Oxford University, evening classes to adults. His interest in educational issues continued over many years, assuming diverse forms—from writing on education to lecturing and giving opening addresses at universities, to recommending poetry books for pupils and asking practical questions about the accessibility of university accommodation for students from abroad. Nevertheless, he was criticized for seeming to oppose the equality of educational opportunity. This essay re-examines the ideas from Eliot’s “Notes towards the Definition of Culture” (1948) and “The Aims of Education” (the four lectures delivered in 1950 and included in “To Criticize the Critic” in 1965) in the context of his ephemeral prose writings, and it reconsiders the question of whether Eliot’s views on education did indeed represent exclusivist elitism.
10
Content available remote

Współczesne postaci ontologii. Od Hegla do Quine’a

38%
Filo-Sofija
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2012
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vol. 12
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issue 1(16)
9-38
PL
The article presents some prominent figures of modern ontology from Hegel to nowadays. It takes into account the diverse forms of ontology in three distinct trends of philosophy: Hegelianism, phenomenology and analytical philosophy. Each of these trends has its own subject, aim and method of ontology. The subject of Hegel’s ontology is understood as something originally undefined, being on the border of nonentity. When presented this way, the subject presupposes a dialectic method of ontology, which the German philosopher defines as “the consciousness of the form of the inner self-movement of the content of logic.” It is based on reflection, which, according to Hegel, is both a tool and medium to knowledge, though in his Phenomenology of spirit he identifies it as being by itself. Thus understood ontology is to be found both in the works of Hegel’s students and his critics (S. Kierkegaard, M. Heidegger, J.-P. Sartre). In Husserl’s phenomenology it is not reflection but eidetic intuition (Wesensschau) that is the main method of ontology, and its subject is not just being, but the essence – a correlate to the eidetic intuition. To Husserl’s phenomenological presumptions referred, among others, N. Hartman and R. Ingarden, who understood ontology as eidetic analysis of ideas. Though Heidegger saw the problem differently: the goal of ontology is defining the meaning of Being (Sinn vom Sein), its method is phenomenological. In none of the approaches was the subject of ontology understood in a classic way as Being, but rather as a certain form of its representation, as the content of consciousness (ideas), or as a certain sense for a definite subject. A different approach to ontology is observable within analytic philosophy, which involved lots of different personalities and different traditions, such as the new positivism, scholastics (J.M. Bocheński, E. Nieznański), Leibnizian rationalism (A. Plantinga), empiricism and pragmatism (W.O. Quine, P. Strawson). Remarkable achievements in ontology belong to some Polish logicians, representatives of the Polish school of analytic philosophy, such as S. Leśniewski and T. Kotarbiński. Leśniewski was the founder of formal ontology – logical calculus of names, while Kotarbiński discovered nominalistic and materialistic ontology – reism (from Latin: res ‘thing’) based on Leśniewski’s ontology. The main thesis of reism was the claim that “every object is a body.”
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