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EN
People’s motivations to partake in religious rituals often relate to external socio-cultural forces such as tradition, ancestry, and peer-pressure, or deep personal convictions centred on devotion, gratitude, or spiritual experience, among others. Simultaneously, however, devotees may also have pragmatic motivations for practicing rituals, such as the need for protection, wellbeing, or socializing, or may see those rituals as a means of fulfilling their wishes. Importantly, the deity addressed in the ritual largely defines the scope and area of divine intervention and help. But all else being equal, why do people choose to engage in the specific rituals that they do, especially given that some are much costlier than others? Our fieldwork suggests that perceived ritual efficacy could be a key cognitive factor at play: people seek rituals that they consider appropriate (in terms of their structure and focus) and proportionate (in terms of their costs) to their needs and expectations. This almost contractual logic of ritual performance is best demonstrated by the concept of promise that is quintessential to the biggest religious festivals of three Hindu communities in Mauritius discussed in this paper.
EN
In Patočka´s philosophy of history, especially in its late period, the concept of Europe, which is essentially linked to the ancient Greek idea of the care for the soul, hast its firm place. The idea of the care for the soul undergoes several metamorphoses during the history and after the disappearance of the ancient world it is according to Patočka carried further by Christianity, which is considered to be the highest rise of the human spirit after the previous decay of the ancient world. However, Patočka also speaks about the spiritual crisis of the humanity as such that in his opinion reaches its peak in the present time, in the technical and materialistic understanding of the world and in the modern and post-modern consumerism. While looking for the solutions of the current crisis, Patočka is inspired by Heidegger´s thinking, above all by the ontological difference – the difference between the Being and beings. An important phenomenon that can on an individual level become the remedy for overcoming the present materialistic. Technical and strictly rational understanding of the world is for Patočka the sacrifice. The sacrifice can show the essential aspect of Being, which is much more that a sum of beings and can therefore be grasped as the philosophical expression of the divine, what Patočka clearly demonstrates at the figure of Jesus.
EN
Kierkegaard´s „Fera and Trembling“ analyse the biblical figure of Abraham, who was supposed to sacrifice his son Isaac, an act he calls „ a knight of faith´s conduct“. As other authors add, there are different aspects of behaviour – order, decision, jump, sacrifice and silence. We have borrowed the concept and applied it to two novels: Troje paměti Víta Choráze by Julius Zeyer and Hécate by Pierre Jean Jouve. Both transform this concept but show this knight of faith according to the attributes as well.
EN
The article is devoted to the question of in what sense can we legitimately speak of the religious character of ancient Greek hunting. Relying mainly on the treatise of the famous Greek historian and committed hunter, Arrian of Nicomedia (whose floruit falls in the first half of the second century AD), I argue that hunting was regarded as an activity that remained under the careful guidance of the gods, above all – of Artemis, so, in this, general respect it may be justified to maintain that it was seen as ‘holy’. This assumption, nevertheless, cannot be used as proof in thinking that hunting, trapping, pursuing, chasing and, lastly, killing animals was regarded as ‘sacred’ in the same sense as was the Greek sacrificial ritual, known from classical times (Vth – IVth centuries BC). Occasionally, similarities were seen between the two ways of killing animals, but essentially the ancient Greeks were perfectly aware of the different contexts in which hunting, and ritual slaughtering, occurred. The main basis for such a claim is the fact that it was after a successful hunt that a special type of sacrifice to the god was performed – the so called aparkhai.
Lud
|
2010
|
vol. 94
285-306
EN
(Polish title: Kurban w Kyz Ana Tekke - wspolczesne przemiany tradycji ofiarniczych w sanktuarium muzułmanskim w połnocno-wschodniej Bulgarii). The article discusses the problems of Islam in modern Bulgaria and focuses on kurban, i.e. a practice of animal sacrifice by the tomb of a Muslim saint, in the so-called tekke. Bulgarian Islam is internally divided - there are the Sunnis and the Shiites, there is an ethnic diversity and local diversity. The followers of Bulgarian Islam include Sunni Muslims: Turks, Turkish Gypsy, Bulgarian Muslims (sometimes called Pomaks or Bulgarian Mohamedans), Tartars and Bulgarian Aliani, who are believed to be Shia Muslims.Religious organisations revived after the fall of the communist regime. Foreign national models of Islam penetrated into Bulgaria as a result of the education of clergy in Islamic states and as a result of globalisation processes. Many of these models are in opposition to the local traditions of Bulgarian Muslims, which include, e.g. the pilgrimage to tekke. The custom of blood sacrifice in tekke is becoming more and more popular, although veneration of the saints is in contradiction with the principles of the institutional Sunni Islam that gains in strength in Bulgaria. This article presents the changes in modern Muslim religiosity in Bulgaria and the dissonance between the Islam represented by Muslim clergy and the local variants of Islam. The material used in the article was collected during field research conducted by the author in 2008-2010 in Kyz Ana Tekke (120 km west of Varna) and in nearby villages.
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