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This paper examines a number of issues related to obstruent voicing and the loss of voicing in coda obstruents, which can be used as criteria for the classification of this issue in Slavic. It is postulated that the criteria should include: (a) the quantity criterion (covering the context range of sandhi), (b) the quality criterion (related to differences in sandhi realization in the same phonetic contexts), (c) obligatoriness vs. optionality of this process, which is related to the differences in the area that regulates sandhi. As far as (c) is concerned, this criterion depends on the interaction between morphophonological rules and surface phonetic processes; the differences in the treatment of word-internal juncture (i.e. certain morphonological boundaries inside accent units), and the differences resulting from the divergent interpretation (sonorant vs. obstruent) of the phonetic /v/ diachronically and in contemporary languages. Generally, it is possible to distinguish between the following types of sandhi in Slavic: consistent areas with regular sandhi, in which the sandhi rules are not surface representations (this is evidenced by the fact that two types of realizations of sandhi rules may occur in the same phonetic contexts), and areas without sandhi or with a restricted sandhi range, in which the rule application is sensitive to divergent phonetic conditions.
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