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EN
The study aims at exploring the legal background of the principle of self-determination and the illegitimacy of secession as a solution to regional disputes. It was adapted from the third in a series of M. M. Elbasha's five articles in Arabic, which collectively examine the history and legal basis of issues relating to the peace agreement and proposed constitutional amendments intended to resolve Sudan's long-term civil war with the SPLM/A in southern Sudan. To support his thesis the author took into account texts of various laws and acts. Recently, the SPLM/A succeeded in forcing the national government in Khartoum to accept a peace settlement that virtually guarantees the southern region of Sudan self-determination and autonomy after six years followed by a referendum in which only the people of the southern region will vote to secede or to remain within the nation of Sudan. However, there are no legal basis to support the Government of Sudan's acceptance of a proposal that will eventually permit the residents of southern Sudan to unilaterally decide whether the unity and territorial integrity of Africa's largest nation will be maintained or whether southern Sudan will secede. The concept of the right of self-determination first appeared in President W. Wilson's speech in 1918 and concerned the issue of peoples under colonial domination. The right was adopted by the UN for the purpose of eliminating and terminating colonialism which was itself explicitly in contradiction to the purpose and principles of the UN an a direct violation of the human rights and fundamental freedoms of man. It still applies only to peoples in non-self-governing or colonized territories and not to indigenous peoples or political splinter groups resident within independent sovereign states. There is no legal connection between the principle of self-determination and secession. The principle of self-determination is a legitimate right of colonized peoples and peoples inhabiting trust territories and other non-self-governed territories, whereas secession is an illegitimate action taken by separatists. In case of Sudan, the freedoms sought by the southern rebels are the same freedoms which a free, representative and democratically elected government should guarantee to all its citizens. The struggle to obtain these freedoms should be waged for the benefit of all Sudanese and not simply to secure the secession of the southern region. The military dictatorship of Gen. Omar al-Bashir is not representative of the people of Sudan and has no legitimate authority to accept the terms of the proposed peace settlement. The referendum to determine the future unity or division of the nation is invalid because only residents of the southern region will be entitled to vote.
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2005
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vol. 54
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issue 2
241-261
EN
The present text is an attempt to revise the output of the 'Young Muse' (Moloda Muza) writers in the context of musical inspirations of the turn of the 19th century, most of all the Secession period. The author investigated the literary output of the 'Young Muse' writers, inter alia from the point of view of adapting musical terminology to the titles of works, application of corresponding vocabulary, which in consequence awoke an association with music in the works and a specific configuration of sound structure of the text, and was an evidence of the correlation of the 'Young Muse' representative writings with the musical fascinations of the period (Chopin, Wagner, Debussy) as well as aesthetical and philosophical ideas of those times (Plotinus, Swedenborg, Schopenhauer, Bergson).
EN
On 28 September 1961 a group of Syrian army officers rebelled and announced Syria's secession from the United Arab Republic. A new government was hastily formed from conservative (reactionary) Syrian politicians. Jamal Abdannaoir initially contemplated intervening, but changed his mind when all resistance rapidly faded to the coup. It was a time for his many enemies both in the Middle East and elsewhere to triumph. Western governments were delighted, but equally the leaders of Iraq, Jordan and Saudi Arabia did nothing to conceal their pleasure. However, pan-Arab emotion was a powerful factor in a further coup in Iraq on 8 February 1963. Syria's fragile government could not long resist the joint pressure from Cairo and Baghdad. Exactly one month after the Iraqi revolt, a military coup in Damascus swept aside all the men who had been in power since the break-up of the UAR.
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MEDZI ROMANTIZMOM A MODERNOU

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EN
The paper describes the theoretical and literary-historical aspects of European modernism. It focuses on the issue of neo-romanticism and modernism in Latvian literature, both artistic streams developed in it side by side from the turn of the 19th and 20th century to approximately the year 1914. The author places neo-romanticism and modernism into the wider literary context, attempts to define common features and differences between them and draws attention to updating of antique Greek literature and philosophy. The paper explores the character of Latvian neo-romanticism and modernism, describes Latvian modernism via the individual streams – decadence, impressionism, symbolism and secession. It deals with the question of contribution of neo-romanticism and modernism for the literary context of the times.
Musicologica Slovaca
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2015
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vol. 6 (32)
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issue 2
266 - 291
EN
The piano had an important status in the life and music of Viliam Figuš-Bystrý (1875–1937). The instrument accompanied him all through his life, and almost every day he played for enjoyment and for purposes of study and composition. In the places where he held professional positions, besides performing as choirmaster and conductor he also accompanied singers and instrumentalists. He also played as a member of the chamber groupings which he himself formed and for which he adapted works principally from the repertoire of European classicism and romanticism. In the conformation of his work there are also compositions for piano – dances, compositions for children and youth, and the Sonata in the Doric Scale, op. 103. His repertoire and his own compositions complement our findings on the technical and expressive maturity of Figuš as a performer, and also as a composer who took the compositional resources of late romanticism and expressionism as his starting-point, but relocated them in the style of musical symbolism and the Secession. Figuš’s piano work, extant programmes of events, and his personal diary round off the hitherto-received picture of the composer and of the musical taste and production of his time.
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