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EN
It was found that in the same-different task when a participant has to answer whether several presented stimuli are identical or different, the participants can apply two stimuli comparison strategies - holistic or analytic. In the present investigation, it was attempted to assess if the manifestation of such individual differences can depend on the stimuli presentation procedure - successive or simultaneous. The psychophysical experiments of same-different task were carried out in which figures, irregular polygons of various degree of similarity, were presented in pairs simultaneously or successively. In the case of successive presentation of figures, the participants were divided into two groups: for the majority of participants, same-different discrimination had an inverse relationship on the degree of similarity - the more two figures were similar, the lower was the accuracy and the longer response time; for the other participants, same-different discrimination did not depend on the similarity of figures. In the case of simultaneous presentation, the participants clearly did not differ by the pattern of the task performances.
EN
Evolutionary theories on altruism among relatives, friends, and group members are considered as the regular parts of the psychological handbooks by now. However, helping to strangers - which is a unique capacity of human beings - has not satisfactorily been explained in psychological studies linked to the Darwinian framework. Why are we generous towards those who are not our relatives, whom we cannot expect to return, even whom we have not met at all? The author argues that those emotional and cognitive information-processing mechanisms that predispose humans to behave altruistically towards strangers constitute an inherent part of the human psychological equipment. A question arises, how these mechanisms could have been shaped during evolution, given that altruism may impose certain costs and risks on the altruist. Another crucial question is that what specific psychological processes mediate the adaptive algorithms of prosocial behavior to the actual interpersonal relationships. He suggests four behavioral strategies and psychological mechanisms - and the underlying possible evolutionary processes - that may be responsible for shaping altruism towards strangers: 1. Similarity and sympathy (kin selection); 2. Strong reciprocity and altruistic punishment (group selection); 3. Reputation-gaining, costly signaling and competitive altruism (individual selection); 4. Cognitive processes that have been primarily shaped for other, non-altruistic tasks, such as theory of mind, Machiavellianism, empathy (exaptation).
Filozofia (Philosophy)
|
2021
|
vol. 76
|
issue 9
688 – 703
EN
In his book On What Matters, Derek Parfit defends a version of moral non-naturalism, a view according to which there are objective normative truths, some of which are moral truths, and we have a reliable way of discovering them. These moral truths do not exist, however, as parts of the natural universe nor in Plato’s heaven. While explaining in what way these truths exist and how we discover them, Parfit makes analogies among morality on the one hand, and mathematics and logic on the other. Moral truths “exist” in a way that numbers exist, and we discover these truths in a similar way as we discover truths about numbers. By the end of the second volume, Parfit also responds to a powerful objection against his view, an objection based on the phenomenon of moral disagreement. If people widely and deeply disagree about what is the moral truth, it is doubtful whether we have a reliable way of discovering it. In his reply, he claims that in ideal conditions for thinking about moral questions, we would all have sufficiently similar moral beliefs. However, we often find ourselves in less-than-ideal conditions due to various factors that distort our ability to agree. Therefore, differences in moral opinion can be expected. In this paper, I draw a connection between these parts of Parfit’s theory and comment on them. Firstly, I argue that Parfit’s analogy with mathematics and logic and his answer to the disagreement objection are in tension because there are important epistemic differences between morality and these fields. If one would try to account for the differences, one would have to sacrifice some measure of similarity between morality and them. Secondly, I comment on Parfit’s reply to the disagreement objection itself. I believe that, although his description of ideal conditions has some potential for reaching moral agreement, it may be difficult to tell if ideal conditions prevail. This obscurity spells further trouble for Parfit’s overall theory.
EN
International trade is a field to which graphs and their analysis can be successfully applied. International trade can be defined as the flow of goods between the economies of different countries in the world. The term itself includes the following issues: the flow of capital, labour force migration, the exchange of goods and services, and the transfer of scientific and technical thought. This paper focuses only on foreign trade defined as the exchange of goods and services between a particular country and its surroundings. The analysis has been kept to the countries of European Union. The first part of the article characterises the concept of foreign trade and how it is measured. The next part introduces a model of international trade in the European Union based on graphs, with nodes representing the countries and the edges – the flows between them. The last part of the work consists of an analysis of the model and final conclusions.
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