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Studia Historica Nitriensia
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2015
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vol. 19
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issue 2
289 – 302
EN
Following article is devoted to organizing of girls in the Hlinka´s Youth girls. This article briefly describes the development of the Slovak Hlinka Youth as such, way of organizing girls within Hlinka Youth.
EN
The movement away from the democratic political principles of the Czechoslovak state during the period of autonomy and after the declaration of the Slovak State was also reflected in changes in the status of Slovak women in the political and social life of the country. This study focuses on the restriction and limitation of the education of girls and women in the wartime Slovak Republic. A very common argument for this policy of the Slovak conservative ruling elites was to achieve an idealized image of the Slovak woman as mother and housewife and to solve the social problems of the new State.
EN
The paper analyses the historiography of the „history of workers“ in the period of Slovak State (1939 – 1945) until the year 1989. In addition to the general analysis, the aim is to answer the question how far (if at all) may the „history of workers“ be identified with the labor history in historiography before 1989? Secondarily, the study provides a brief description of the thematic publications examined to find out what specific area and themes were elaborated in historiography before 1989 and how particular research trends were developed.
EN
The regime of the first Slovak Republic saw Slovak woman mainly as a mother whose place was in the household. The main duty of a woman was to take care of a household, husband and to raise children. The education and upbringing supposed to prepare girls for this role. The vocational school for women in Nitra provided a general and special education for a family. For example the school provided a study of housework such as tailoring clothes and it was also preparation for the higher level of education of women vocational schools. This kind of education was considered the most appropriate for women. This contribution depicts the activity, organization, aims and tasks of the public vocational school for women in Nitra in 1939-1945.
EN
In spite of the substantial results of research on the Holocaust in Slovakia in recent decades, gender analysis has not been done, and is still not one of the regular instruments for research on the history of the Holocaust in the Slovak academic community. The aim of the present study is to present the possibilities for the use of gender as an analytical category in research on the Holocaust. The study is composed of two main parts: theoretical and practical. The first part is a review of the most important aspects of the Holocaust with an emphasis on gender analysis. In the second part, the theory is applied to a case study of the experiences of women and men in the Sereď Camp. The study attempts to point out the possibilities for enriching research on the Holocaust and other historical themes by using gender analysis.
6
80%
Konštantínove listy
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2022
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vol. 15
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issue 1
122 - 130
EN
Calendar for the Greek Catholic Slovaks for 1941 was the first publication of its kind intended for the Greek Catholic Slovaks. With its content and involvement of state authorities in the distribution among the faithful, it pointed out the close cooperation of the representatives of the Slovak State regime and the emerging leadership of the Greek Catholic Slovaks in the association with an ideological reference to the legacy of Cyril and Methodius. However, they interpreted it with the emphasis on the requirement to use the Slovak language in religious life and the appropriate share of Slovaks in the leadership of the Greek Catholic Church. The study also analyses the publication in the context of the government’s political goals. The support of the Greek Catholic Slovaks was part of a broader plan the aim of which was to reduce the activities of the unwanted Bishop Pavel Gojdič, the leadership of the Greek Catholic Church and their influence, and ultimately wanted to find the solution to the Ruthenian issue in Slovakia.
EN
Greek Catholics and Jews in the years 1939 – 1945 involuntarily found themselves in opposition to the wartime Slovak Republic facing unfair anti-Semitic and national politics. Both communities were affected by restrictive measures to different extents but for the Jews they had tragic consequences. Christian faith, disapproval of the anti-Semitic policy of the ruling regime, and especially the publicly declared attitude and concrete actions of the Bishop of Prešov Pavel Peter Gojdič led many Greek Catholics to render assistance to racially persecuted people. Despite the considerable lapse of time and the nature of research problems, combination of the preserved Church and State archival documents with the testimonies of the rescued and their descendants gathered by the oral history method, we succeeded in reconstructing the attitudes and activities of the Greek Catholic Church in favour of the Jews.
EN
The struggle over political and historical memory is a serious and recurring issue that has important implications for the rise and spread of national politics in contemporary Europe and the durability of democratic traditions. This is particularly focused on the way in which new generations of youth are taught their history and the formation of collective memory. The sociological survey conducted in 2013 has shown that large segments of population, above young people, either don’t know or don’t care much about the history of the wartime Slovak state (1939 – 1945) and the holocaust. On the other hand the agreement with preserving memory is wide-spread, partially with the rationale to prevent recurrences of intolerance, extremism and xenophobia. The survey reveals also the most frequently used sources of knowledge about the past and based on empirical findings elaborates on how to approach youth when teaching history.
ARS
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2010
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vol. 43
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issue 2
299-317
EN
The article focuses on the issue of the looted Jewish art during the fascist Slovak State (1939 - 1945) and represents a pioneer attempt to summarize all available information. It covers the legal background (The Jewish Codex of 1941), procedures for gathering and evaluation of concerned objects (paintings, sculptures, applied art etc.), personal involvement of local art historians (Dr. Vladimír Wágner, Dr. Alžbeta Guntherová-Mayerová) and the works of art still in possession of local galleries (e.g. Slovak National Gallery).
EN
The study is devoted to the participation of the notable Slovak writer Ľudovít Mistrík-Ondrejov in the aryanization of Jewish property in Slovakia in the period 1939 – 1945. The fact that Ľudovít Mistrík-Ondrejov profited from the aryanization of Jewish firms is relatively well-known and was already publicized in connection with the bookshop owning Steiner family, whose business Mistrík-Ondrejov aryanized. The present study is a comprehensive study of the aryanizing activities of Ľ. Mistrík-Ondrejov, covering not only the aryanization of the Steiner bookshop, but also of the Känzler Brothers firm in Bratislava from which Ľ. Mistrík-Ondrejov personally profited. The study provides hitherto unknown fact about both Ľ. Mistrík-Ondrejov’s aryanizations.
EN
The study describes the last years of Vojtech Tuka, one of the representatives of the Slovak State (1939-1945). This period was significantly affected by his ill health, which was the official reason for his withdrawal from politics in the years 1943-1944. At the end of the war he moved to western Austria, which became the French occupying zone. French military police arrested him in August 1945 in Kitzbühel and interned him in Innsbruck. Because of the very poor state of his health it was an urgent and speedy hearing. He was transported to Prague in December 1945 and was heard to supply information for the Nuremberg trials. Further questioning took place in May 1946 due to its own process at the National court. Investigators were interested in the circumstances of the Slovak State, his activity during the period of autonomy, his contacts with the Nazis in the 1920s, events of March 1939 and the riots in Bratislava, the Treaty of protection with Germany, the war against Poland and the Soviet Union, economic and military linkage to Germany, meeting in Salzburg and the Jewish question. On the questions of the period of his “first political activity” in 1929 he answered only with the intentions of his request for mercy from 1935. The process ended with sentencing and execution of Vojtech Tuka in August 1946.
EN
This paper analyses the organization of exhibitions in Bratislava in the period between 1939 and 1945. We examine not only the exhibitions themselves, but also for the first time shed light on their background, their administration and their locations. The exhibitions analysed here include those organized by museum as well as non-museum institutions of varying types and focus. Our analyses details the challenges involved in organizing exhibitions in the capital and then provides a detailed examination of three specific exhibitions. Additionally, the paper provides an overview of the exhibition activities of two major cultural institutions, the Slovak Museum and the Association of Slovak Artists towards the end of the period in question.
EN
During the World War II Slovak communities in the „Lower Land“ (Dolná zem/Alföld) gained experiences with new states and political regimes. Due to aggression of Hungarian Kingdom which, as a German ally, annexed parts of Czechoslovakia, Romania and Yugoslavia in 1938 – 1941, a large part of Lower Land Slovaks temporarily became Hungarian citizens. Other groups of ethnic Slovaks lived in Romania, Ustasha Croatia, occupied territories of Serbia and Bulgaria during the wartime period. Conditions for national and religious life of these communities differed depending on national policy of their new motherlands and local specifics in which they coexisted with other nations and nationalities of this multicultural region. Despite a resolute stance of Slovak Lutherans in Slovakia towards the ruling Hlinka´s Slovak People´s Party´s catholic-profiled regime, Lutherans who were a majority among the Lower Land Slovaks did not always share moods of their fellow believers from historical homeland of their ancestors. Lutheran Slovaks in Hungary, Yugoslavia, Romania and Bulgaria had not maintained a close contact with the Slovak Republic and its regime. Because of this factor, Hlinka´s Slovak People´s Party´s regime could not directly influence the Lower Land Slovaks and exert political or ideological pressure on them. Presented study analyzes to what extent did the unenviable position of Slovak Lutherans in Slovakia mirror in the life of the Lower Land Slovaks, in their perception of Hlinka´s Slovak People´s Party and in their attitudes to the Slovak statehood. Taking the local national, cultural and religious specifics of the Lower Land into consideration, it also debates the question why the Lower Land Slovak communities, in general, did not show a passionate pro-regime activism and joy over the independent Slovak State, why they held a neutral, negative or not clearly profiled stance to the political issues regarding the “New Europe” instead and why the traditional cultural aspects like Lutheran faith played a bigger role within their identity than a wartime nationalism.
EN
During the Second World War, Jozef Tiso (1887 – 1947), a Catholic priest, leader of the governing Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party, and President of the Slovak State (1939 – 1945), a client state of Nazi Germany, had become an object of political cult that persisted after 1945. After being sentenced to death by the National Court in Bratislava and executed by hanging on 18 April 1947, Tiso was ultimately turned into a martyr in the eyes of the Hlinka’s Party wartime regime’s supporters. His image as a “martyr of the nation, state, Christian faith and the Church” has been formed mainly by those who fled the communist regime and remained in exile from the late 1940s until 1990s. Tiso’s “sacrifice” was massively reflected in exile poetry. The poetry of the Catholic modernist group as well as poems written by occasional poets of nationalistic orientation strongly contributed to the creation of the persona of Jozef Tiso as a martyr – a myth which did not disappear from Slovak politics and culture even after the fall of the communist regime in 1989. Against the background of Tiso’s cult genesis and formation, the article analyses the semiotic dimension of politically engaged poetry, which has shaped his sacralised image in recent decades and led part of Slovak nationalistic organisations in the post-communist milieu to efforts for judicial and moral rehabilitation of Jozef Tiso, as well as his ecclesiastical beatification.
EN
The assumption that legislation should discriminate against citizens regarded as “Jews” was a basic feature of the Ľudák idea of state law in the period of the disintegration of Czechoslovak parliamentary democracy after the Munich Agreement. However, there were varying views on the question of definition of who would be covered by this legislation. From autumn 1939, internal debates in Slovakia’s autonomous political institutions, in the Ľudák controlled media and until 14 March 1939 in contacts with the central Czecho-Slovak ministries were carried on with the aim of accelerating the practical implementation of such legislation. In the official anti-Semitic discourse and subsequently also in the process of preparing and adopting anti-Jewish legislation, the influence of the traditional religious anti-Semitism supported by economic and cultural arguments overlapped with the newer and gradually strengthening racist argumentation derived from the Nazi Third Reich. The study is directed towards the origins of the Ľudák anti-Semitic legislation, and the argumentation strategy of its proposers, by which they introduced racist principles, and endeavoured to merge them with the proclaimed Christian basis of the Ľudák regime.
EN
The study deals with the somewhat controversial issue of the so-called “clerical fascism”. For this purpose, it summarizes the recent historiographical debates on totalitarianism, in particular on “political religions” or rather politicization of religions in the 20th century. The special emphasis is laid on individual clerics who sympathized and collaborated with fascist regimes in Nazi Germany and the Slovak state, respectively. In applying Roger Griffin’s and Thomas Forstner’s typology, two types of attitudes to fascism and National Socialism are discussed: loyalty and active collaboration.
EN
The conservative forces in the Slovak society of the first half of the 20th century sought models in Christian solidarity and the corporate state, which would replace parliamentarism of the Western type. The ideas could be put into practice after the seizure of power in autumn 1938 and especially after Slovakia became independent in March 1939. However, the ally of independent Slovakia, Nazi Germany rejected the corporate state. Therefore, the idea of Christian solidarity was replaced with the idea of Slovak National socialism and plans for a corporate social system for the Slovak working community according to the German model. The regime of the Slovak Republic of 1939 – 1945 attempted to put the new principles of the social state into economic and social practice. However, the implementation of the ideas of the time about a social state and the political system of Slovakia stopped half way.
EN
A recognition is one of the legal acts which permit a new state to enter the international community as a full partner. It establishes normal relations between two states as a precondition of their mutual communication in politics, as well as in economics and other fields. Thus, swift recognition by as many states as possible is the first task of every newly established foreign ministry. As early as 15 March 1939, the Slovak foreign ministry notified its prospective counterparts about the birth of the Slovak State. The Norwegian foreign ministry was to make a stand on recognition. Due to the tense international situation on the eve of WWII, this turned into a lengthy process of consideration, complicated even more by the outbreak of the war in September 1939. Early in April 1940, Norway was about to give a de facto recognition. However, the Nazi invasion in the same month stopped the action, which, nonetheless, somewhat disturbed the initial contacts between Norwegian and Czechoslovak exile representations.
Studia Historica Nitriensia
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2019
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vol. 23
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issue 2
456 – 474
EN
The paper deals with Roma persecution in the period of the Slovak state in 1938–1945. It primarily comes from archival documents present in regional, county and police office funds in State archive in Nitra. We can mainly find there nationwide orders of the Ministry of the Interior and some regional documents as well. The introductory part of the paper is devoted to general issues of the Roma holocaust in Slovakia and its current research. The second part brings information of the selection of Roma people and so-called asocial people to labour camps. The third part is devoted to camps and forced labour in the Slovak state.
EN
This article focuses on the content analysis of the theoretical concept of non-democratic regimes by Juan J. Linz in his major publication Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes (2000) and its application to the regime of the Slovak Republic in the years 1939 – 1945. The aim of this paper is to define the character of regime in Slovakia and determine whether the regime of the first Slovak republic was directed more to the totalitarian or authoritarian type of the non-democracies. The main aim of the work is reflected in the structure of the paper, divided into two chapters. The first one describes the principal characteristics of totalitarianism and authoritarianism and difference between them. The second one analyses three basic features of authoritarianism – limited political pluralism, mentalities and political mobilization – and applies them to Slovak terms in 1939 – 1945. The application has shown there features which are identical with characteristics of authoritarianism specified by Linz. Therefore, we cannot say the regime of the first Slovak Republic was totalitarian, but it was regime which tended to authoritarian type of non-democracies.
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