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Sociológia (Sociology)
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2014
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vol. 46
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issue 2
146 – 166
EN
Starting point in this article is Max Weber´s distinction between class and status as related but different forms of social stratification. John H. Goldthorpe argued that this distinction is not only conceptually cogent, but empirically important as well: class and status do have distinct explanatory power when it comes to studying varying areas of social life − economic security and prospects are stratified more by class than by status, while the opposite is true for outcomes in the domains of cultural consumption and political attitudes. Our research ascertained that distinction between class and status is empirically important in Slovak stratification as well, but there is not empirical evidence for assertion that varying areas of social life are stratified more by class or by status.
EN
Currently, there is only a limited amount of research on the propensity of people in different classes to participate in civic organization. Using the data from the European Social Survey 2002 the author explores the patterns and size of relationships between civic participation and social class in 19 countries. He examines class differences in recruitment to four basic types of the associational membership on assumption that there may be various modes of social exclusion and inequality. This relationship was compared across various types of welfare regime, once it has been suggested that there is significant variation in social involvement across welfare regimes. This analysis shows that, indeed, civic associations could be differentiated according to their class composition. In line with expectations class differences are ordered from the most to the least advantaged groups with respect to socio-cultural position. In all countries, representatives of the service class are most likely to take part in civic organizations. They are followed by lower non-manual categories, and owners, and most disengaged from formal participation are working class people and agricultural categories. This suggests that there civic organizations appear to be preservers of advantaged categories (i.e. higher professionals and managers) while categories located near the bottom of socio-economic ladder are deprived of access to them.
EN
The present study deals with the following groups of questions which regarding changes in the social stratification system in Slovak society: 1. How has the social stratification system changed? Which of the classes has more members and which of them less? How do they differ? How has the relationship between gender and social status changed? 2. Do class members differ in their values, attitudes, needs, beliefs and lifestyles? Are these classes potential social classes with specific characteristics and features, making possible to create a class identity? The analysis is based on the results of social stratification research in Slovakia in 1993 - 2010. The theoretical basis was the Goldthorpe EGP class scheme. The first group of questions can be answered as follows: during the last twenty years the vertical social order has changed. The highest level - the level of service class, which includes higher-grade professionals and managers - was joined with the category of economically independent individuals, the category with the biggest increase of members. The most dramatic decrease of members was in the category of skilled manual workers. The long-term decrease in the proportion of agricultural workers continues. The differentiation between EGP classes is bigger and the income is not the only significant aspect. There is still a strong gender differentiation in social status; gender has a stronger impact on the amount of income than does EGP class. The answer to the second question is: members of the three EGP classes have different opinions on some of the basic economic issues and how to handle them. In addition, they also differ in how they deal with their own economic situation, and thus with an important part of their lives. It can be assumed that these classes (or at least some of them) may become real social classes.
EN
The paper focuses on socio-economic inequalities in health. It presents theoretical and methodological conceptualization of socio-economic determinants’ effect on health and tests effects of specific indicators of socio-economic status. It employs the indicators that are not often used in the health analysis – EGP class scheme and Top-Bottom self-placement scale. A strategy of empirical analysis is based on building of binary logistic models. They confirm the role of the EGP class scheme and the subjective identification of social position as important predictors of self-rated health and health measured in terms of presence of chronic illness.
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MEDZIGENERAČNÁ SOCIÁLNA MOBILITA NA SLOVENSKU

88%
EN
The paper offers actual findings on intergenerational social mobility in Slovakia, which is understood as mobility within a class-based stratification system. It relies on neo-Weberian definition of social class and – based on theoretical and methodological reflection on the most used class schemas – it employs European Socio-economic Classification (ESeC). The authors distinguish between absolute and relative social mobility, referring to distinction between mobility induced by structural changes and social fluidity defined as chances to become a member of certain social class. The aim of the paper is to identify basic patterns of social mobility among men and women, including patterns of social mobility within different age cohorts. Presenting findings could contribute to filling the existing gap in this important field of sociological inquiry. In terms of absolute mobility, the most frequent form of mobility is represented by upward mobility, consisting mainly of “long” mobility. Among men, salariat and qualified manual workers represent classes with the strongest tendency to closeness. Among women, it holds true for salariat, lower professionals, and unqualified manual workers. In terms of relative mobility, chances to move within stratification system are unevenly distributed, especially at the top and the bottom of social structure. As result, identified “upgrade” of social class structure didn’t lead to significant equalization of mobility chances to climb the stratification ladder.
EN
Research on mixed couples goes back to the early 20th century. Quantitative studies mainly use the term intermarriage and concentrate on integration or group barriers; other approaches speak of transnational marriage: mixed couples are seen as a consequence of migration. In this article, we will define conjugal mixedness as involving all sorts of interethnic or interreligious couples, even those who are not directly linked to migration. What makes them mixed is not their cultural differences, but the inequality between the majority and the minority partner. Prevalent in-marriage norms (endogamy) and conjugal inequality lead to social disapproval, which varies historically and depends on the societal context. Conjugal mixedness furthermore requires an intersectional approach; questions of ethno-cultural, racial or religious belonging are linked to gender, social class and migration. Illustrated by empirical examples in France, we show how conjugal mixedness is defined from the outside, i.e. through social perceptions or disapproval, and constructed from the inside (the couples’ own experiences of mixedness in daily life and the adjustments they make). We argue that the way spouses deal with mixedness depends on factors other than ethnic belonging, namely gender, class and migration history.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2013
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vol. 45
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issue 1
71 – 88
EN
Evolution, crystallization of political parties and the nature of the party system play a major role in the functioning of the political system as a character of democracy and life. Especially it concerns the post-communist states after the fall of the totalitarian regime, which were forced to deal with the complex and interlaced questions of economy, law, politics and social structure. The analysis about the development of Slovakia is based on “proved“ methodological tools, such as the theory of cleavages (S. Rokkan and S. M. Lipset) and the theory of party systems (G. Sartori and J. Blondel). Nevertheless, these methods were formulated in the context of developed states of Western and Northern Europe, thus they cannot be automatically applied to the conditions of Central and Eastern European states, whose specificity was that they went through the stage of transition and transformation of economy. Our hypothesis is that these concepts can be effectively used in the analysis of Slovakian development; however, they cannot be used mechanically, but in a certain creative way which takes into account the specific conditions of the region. This approach can bring the relevant theoretical conclusions and enrich the concepts through new conclusion. According to the survey, social groups, which differ with their values, attitudes and life-style, are formed during the economic transformation and after its completion their social identity starts to formulate and also the interconnectedness with political parties appears, what can help to stabilize the party system in Slovakia.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2012
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vol. 44
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issue 6
678 – 703
EN
The subject of this article is the EGP and ESeC class schemes and their validity for Czech society. The basic question is to what extent these two schemes identify differences in occupational conditions in Czech society. In the first part of the article, the author presents EGP and ESeC schemes, focuses on their theoretical grounds, and looks at the criteria that define social classes within these frameworks. In the second part of the article, the author tests whether these two class schemes really measure what they are supposed to – the criterion validity of EGP and ESeC is tested. After that, the author examines how much the two class schemes predict other social variables on the basis of theoretical expectations – the construct validity of EGP and ESeC is tested. Finally the author compares these two class schemes. He discusses which of them are more appropriate explanatory instrument of occupational inequalities and the consequent differences in life outcomes in current Czech society.
EN
The author represents an analysis of tendencies in forming of social classes as the subjects which realize their interests and can defend them in Ukraine during the period of independence. The theories of social classes (K. Marx, P. Bourdieu), social conflicts (R. Dahrendorf) and social movements (O. Ramstedt) have been employed for conceptualization of formation mechanism of classes as social actors. Materials of statistics, in-depth interviews, data of the national and international comparative projects were used to analyze the dynamics of strike movement in Ukraine and the factors affecting it, to study the subjects of the labour movement, the extent of participation of representatives of social classes in trade unions and political parties, as well as the level of their trust to these organizations. It is concluded that the working class, which was the first to obtain the mobilizational experience in settling the labour conflicts, was not a leader of protest movement in the period of the last twenty years. At the same time, the middle class and petty bourgeoisie obtained the experience in defence of their interests. A comparative analysis demonstrates that the labour movement in Ukraine and Western countries had similar tendencies: it was characterized by non-uniformity (booms and recessions, up to its full damping), motivation by mainly economic slogans, transfer from the form of direct mobilization of collective actions to institutionalized ones (trade-union and individualized defence of interests). The alternative scenarios/prospects of the class action have been considered in conclusion.
EN
Qualitative research in political science and sociology commonly explores intersectionality, but practical methodological guides for the quantitative researcher are few. The author examines methodological challenges in testing intersectionality theory by comparing and contrasting two most frequently used statistical approaches to the quantitative analysis of intersectional demographics: the unitary, or additive approach and the multiplicative approach. To illustrate these approaches he uses the European Social Survey (2006) and focus on gender, ethnicity, and class, and their intersections, to explain soft political protest in Central and East European countries. Logistic regression with dichotomous explanatory variables, including multiplicative interaction terms and their main effects, is an acceptable way to explore variants of intersectionality theory and related hypotheses regarding cumulative disadvantage. The findings warrant the following guidelines for cross-national quantitative analysis of intersectionality: (1) multiplicative interaction terms are the best available way to measure an intersection as an identity beyond the sum of its parts; (2) because intersectionality frequently calls for more than two variables, care must be taken with the interpretation of main effects and higher and lower order interaction terms; and (3) each intersection has time- and space-specific consequences. Accounting for intersectionality in the quantitative analysis of large cross-national survey data sets is an opportunity to advance the intersectionality paradigm.
EN
The article reflects on the relationship between social sphere (social standing) and cultural configurations such as tastes, practices and consumption orientations. It is raised a problem whether traditional sociological concepts (e.g. social position, class membership or status) are still relevant to a description of cultural differentiation or otherwise differences in cultural taste and consumption are losing their grounding in social stratification. As a point of departure three main arguments concerning the relationship between social structure and cultural variables were considered: i.e. a) ‘homology’ argument, b) ‘individualisation’ or ‘neotribalism’ argument, and c) ‘omnivorousness’ argument. The relevance of structuralist approach to consumption is considered from the point of view of Pierre Bourdieu’s social theory. Contrary to some current theories of mass or postmodern culture, the results of analysis sustain the view that traditional social cleavages (including social class) still play an important role in structuring consumption and lifestyles. Consumption and culture serve as a consequential site for the reproduction of social divisions, inequalities and domination.
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