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Mezi národem a demokracií - Polští socialisté na československém Těšínsku v letech 1934 a 1935

100%
Baran I.
Slovanské historické studie (Slavonic Historical Studies)
|
2009
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vol. 34
47-94
EN
This study deals with the question of crisis in the Polish Socialists Worker's Party in the Czechoslovak part of the Teschen Silesia in the years 1934 and 1935. In 1934 Poland arranged a pact on non-aggression with the Nazi Germany. The Polish diplomacy then started sharp propagandist campaign against Czechoslovakia, under the pretext of the Czechoslovak persecution of the Polish minority in the Czechoslovak part of Teschen Silesia. This situation put the Polish socialists in the Czechoslovakia before the dilemma, whether keep the loyalty towards their Polish ethnicity, or towards Czechoslovak democracy, because the ruling regime of so-called 'sanacja' in Poland was authoritative and undemocratic. The aim of this study is to show, how Polish socialists deal themselves with this dilemma. At the preparing of this study were mainly used materials from the Land Archives in Opava, the Moravian Land Archives in Brno, the National Archives in Prague, in the Polish institution 'Biblioteka Slaska' (the Silesian Library) in Katowice and from the press of that time.
2
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KONCEPT TRETEJ CESTY – ÚSILIE O PRESTAVBU SOCIÁLNEJ DEMOKRACIE

88%
Polačková A.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2016
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vol. 5
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issue 2
50 - 57
EN
The paper deals with the social democracy reform in terms of the "Third Way" concept of British sociologist Anthony Giddens. It briefly describes the evolution of social democracy subjects considering their establishment, period of prosperity and dominance, until the crisis and efforts undertaken for their restoration. Therefore it tends to analyse the main pillars and attributes of the "Third Way" concept based on the roots and the history of its creation. The paper does not aspire to provide definite judgement on this concept, but focuses more on the theoretical background and practical implementations trans-formed into real policies executed by selected political parties.
3
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ČESKOSLOVENSKÁ SOCIÁLNÍ DEMOKRACIE V EXILU A JEJÍ POSLEDNÍ PŘEDSEDA KAREL HRUBÝ

88%
Zahradníček T.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2022
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vol. 11
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issue 1
5 - 14
EN
The study analyses the development of the exiled organization of the Social Democrats from Czechoslovakia in the years 1948-1995. It shows its anti-communist background, which has remained within the organization throughout its existence, which has in fact made it an organization of former political prisoners, academics and artists who did not intervene in practical politics even after the turn of 1989 and held the role of guardians of traditions and values.
4

ROLE OF FAITH IN A SOCIAL STRUGGLE USING THE EXAMPLE OF THE PASTORAL LETTER OF THE SLOVAK BISHOPS OF NOVEMBER 1924

75%
Arpáš R.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
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2019
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vol. 67
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issue 5
839 – 849
EN
The social movement that developed in Slovakia after the end of the Great War succeeded in capturing the left-wing parties - Social Democracy and the Communist Party. In particular, communists in the ideological struggle did not hesitate to use the alleged parallels of communist ideas with Christianity. Thanks to this tactic, they were also successful among religious populations. Therefore, efforts to establish Christian-oriented trade unions in Slovakia were not too successful. Thus, in November 1924, through the Pastoral Letter, the Slovak bishops entered the conflict and watched with concern the rising anticlerical movement in Czechoslovakia.
5

VYBRANÉ ASPEKTY SOCIÁLNODEMOKRATICKÉHO DISKURZU NA SLOVENSKU NA PRELOME 20. A 21. STOROČIA

75%
Zadorožňuk E. G.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2011
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vol. 4
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issue 2
3 – 15
EN
Experience of modern Slovak social-democracy, oriented to searching of new ways of resolving social problems, which become sharper because of global economy crisis, is analysed. New tendency, brought by Slovak social-democracy - attempt, which was realized in Smer-SD activity, to make an alliance of different types of social-democratic political actors and to achieve leading position in political life of the country. A very important aspect in its activity is domination of social pragmatism, which defines relevant political discourse: concentration on current problems using constructive force.
6

‘POLITICAL LIFE IS DYING OUT’: ROSA LUXEMBURG’S CRITIQUE OF BOLSHEVISM AND THE BOLSHEVIK REVOLUTION

75%
Van Duin P. C.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2018
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vol. 11
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issue 1
19 – 33
EN
This article analyses the critical comments of Rosa Luxemburg on Lenin’s model of the Bolshevik vanguard-party with its elite of professional revolutionaries and on the political events in Russia after the Bolshevik revolution. Rosa Luxemburg had a different concept of socialist revolution than Lenin did, for she regarded the revolutionary process as something that was based on the spontaneous actions of the working class and the mass participation of the people. A socialist party could channel and co-ordinate this revolutionary energy, but Rosa Luxemburg attached great importance to democratic freedoms and procedures and rejected the dictatorial tendencies emerging in Bolshevik Russia. She was hoping that the Bolshevik revolution would be the beginning of a European socialist revolution and never believed that Russia could make a socialist transformation on its own. In fact, she foresaw the bureaucratic dictatorship that Lenin’s Russia would in her view inevitably become, if the deformation of the revolution was not halted by international political developments on a higher democratic and socialist level.
7

BLAIRISM AND ITS EFFECTS ON THE HUNGARIAN REFORMS

63%
Tamas P.
Tarsadalomkutatas (Social Science Research)
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2007
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vol. 25
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issue 4
3467-392
EN
Presumably it would be too early to word more serious judgements about 'Blairism' as the arranged and exportable package of the renewal of the centre-left. No matter, however, whether Gordon Brown would continue Blair's programme without fail, or would tailor it more vigorously to fit his figure, it is worth studying it at this point. In addition we are particularly interested in it, for though the New Labour has had more or less influence on practically all the newer social democratic reformers of Europe, its imprint seems to be rather strong on Hungary. According to public opinion it derives decisively from the Hungarian Prime Minister's personal sympathies, but solutions thought to be 'Blairist' or at least resembling it could be in principle deducted to some extent also from the structure of the tasks of reform. And though Blair's philosophy was less explicit, in its means his governance was pragmatically remarkably well arranged throughout three cycles, therefore it may be worth considering the lessons of his governance in Budapest, too. The 'Third Way' programmes ultimately seem to be rather sociological than political projects. It is, however, indifferent from the point of our story. Giddens is right in that globalisation creates a new situation, either destroying or excessively dismantling the nation state or not. Considering the possibilities of political reforms currently seems to be more important than confronting the leaflets of the 'Third Way' from the 90s with later events there (or here), in order to subsequently demonstrate that specific compromises and forced steps can easily overwrite soft theories. And hence there is nothing else in politics, but the moment.
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