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Gender v protestu sociálních hnutí proti globalizaci

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The paper is a review of literature on gender aspects of social movement's protest against globalization. It divides the movements according to gender of participants to grassroots women's movements against globalization, gender-neutral anti-globalization movement and masculine movements that express anti-globalization stance. It focuses specifically on activism against sweatshop labor and its transnational networks, connections, and its positive and negative effects. It analyses the gender aspects of the anti-globalization movement and its relation to feminism and feminist movement. It deals with the problem why it is difficult to incorporate gender into the critique of globalization and at the same time to add anti-capitalist view to feminist movement. The authoress argues that neoliberal globalization activates on one side efforts to emancipate women from oppressive (working) conditions while it incites masculine, patriarchal reactions on the other side of the globe. The militaristic masculine movements together with the neoliberal global masculinity are threats for women's movements for liberation.
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The author of this article tries to define a proper theoretical context for the creation of an analytical model serving to describe and explain the phenomenon of farmers' protests and he simultaneously presents selected characteristics of such protests staged in 1989-1993 and in 1997-2001. The main conclusions formulated on the basis of the used material suggest that: (1) farmers' protests were evoked by the worsening economic situation of this social group and the related sense of deprivation, (2) farmers' protests were characterised by a different dynamics than the protests of other social groups, (3) the main participants of farmers' protest were owners of large farms undergoing modernisation, (4) farmers' protests were subject to the processes of institutionalisation as evidenced by the diminishing number of spontaneously stage actions, intensifying co-operation between farmers' associations during the organisation of protest actions, growing number of serially staged protests and protest campaigns, and a well prepared repertoire of various forms of protest (road blockades, sit-ins organised in government buildings, mass demonstrations), (5) the scope of the protesting farmers' demands and efforts to address them to the state's central institutions revealed a tendency towards the presentation of demands of economic nature, towards politicisation and radicalisation of protests in the discussed period.
EN
The article focuses on the production of alternative knowledge. While official knowledge maintains and reproduces the hegemony of the elite, alternative knowledge is the intellectual and cultural germ of another world. Web 2.0 has provided new possibilities and improved the basis for generating, sharing and disseminating alternative knowledge. However, in order to have a social impact, alternative knowledge needs to undergo a socialization process and to have driving forces behind it. Normally, these tasks are accomplished by social movements. The author argues that social movements in the West and the ex-Soviet region differ substantially in the nature of knowledge they produce and bring into the public space. Latvia is in an anomalous situation because the complete absence of social movements reduces the country's ability to find alternatives and new perspectives. In periods of crisis and emergency situations, the lack of such an ability can have tragic consequences.
EN
Author discusses the phenomenon of Amnesty International as a global social movement. This issue will be presented on the example of the Polish branch of Amnesty International Association. For this purpose, official data will be presented, taken from reports and studies published by the Association. Studies, which directly relate to the activities undertaken by Amnesty, will be also referred to (e.g. reports and outlines from school lessons on the subject of human rights). The aim of this work is not only to describe the activities of the Association but also to show the phenomenon of a social movement Amnesty International. In addition, author attempts to answer the question, whether the formula of Amnesty International movement makes its actions effective and thus contribute to protection of human rights? For this purpose, the analysis of Amnesty International’s actions will be accompanied by a presentation of social movements’ theories.
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This article is an attempt to show how Polish emancipation gay and lesbian movement evolves and how it affects the queer theory, which is being run within the humanities. The dramatic struggle held to make the Parade of Tolerance in June 2005 legal has stimulated once again a debate over the existence of queer people in Poland. This article also argues that ambiguous state of the movement raises a need of more social attitude to the issue. However, the discourse of antigay, homophobic rhetoric opposes any social initiatives in this matter. The author presents the wide scope of gay publications and argues with the constructivist approach of Jacek Kochanowski. Instead he offers a moderate essential attitude, called oscillating gay identity.
EN
The emergence of Poland’s Komitet Obrony Robotników, KOR, is a challenge for social movement research whose concepts were mainly developed studying movements in Western democratic countries. The currently dominating structuralist rationalist approach tends to reduce protests to a strategic reaction to favourable opportunity structures. Although this approach offers an adequate evolutionary explanation for KOR’s success, it does not offer a convincing causal explanation for its emergence and the mobilization of activists. This article develops an alternative explanation, using concepts from theories of collective identity, american pragmatism, Émile Durkheim, and Max Weber.
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The text comprises considerations on the changes in the national identification of Silesians after World War II. The pivotal line of argument will be based on twentieth century population statistics and corresponding politics of the German and Polish authorities. What is crucial, and what analysts fail to mention, is a constant, unaltered identification of Silesians on an ethnic level. A national identity was imposed by the policies of the countries on the territory of which Silesia was located and had a varying character. It was only in 2002 that Silesians began to term their group a nation, what caused misunderstanding and disturbance. The identification of Silesians has not changed, they just started calling their group differently. The dominant group has not yet consented to it.
EN
The goal of this text is to offer a systematic analysis of political activism in the Czech Republic. The article first differentiates between and theoretically defines three types of political activism. These are old, new, and radical types of activism. The first is primarily represented by trade unions, the second by organisations with a post-materialistic orientation, and the third by political groups positioned on the far right and left. To analyse them, the text utilises selected tools of social movement theory. Drawing on this theory, the article shows the differences between the three activist types in the following dimensions: action repertoire, political opportunity structure (context), organisational resources, and so-called transactional capacity, which captures the ability of activist organisations to cooperate among themselves. The text analyses data from both protest event analysis (PEA Czech Republic) and a survey of Czech activist groups (SMO Czech Republic).
EN
In the Basque Country there is a renaissance of the new waves of social movements; demonstrations, mobilisations of the population as well as the far not less brutal street clashes have become frequent. The relationship and settlement of political violence and social movement seem to be undergoing changes during the recent few years, at the same time the media, urban management or even the discourses of social sciences often generate the opposite. The fact that history has branded certain movements and semi-political organisations with the stigma of nationalism is rooted in the endless interpretation of Basque nationalism and in the different definitions of the Basque cultural identity as well as in the different concepts of nationalism of the political forces. The present writing attempts to outline in brief the relationship between the Basque environmental movement and nationalism.
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Countermovements and conservative activism have received relatively little attention in Czech and European sociology. This article summarises the discussions concerning the countermovement phenomenon in the last thirty years. The starting point of the interest in countermovements of different kinds in the Western context is generally considered to lie in the 1970s and the 1980s, when the opposition to the reform movements of the preceding period became more intense. In an attempt to defi ne this phenomenon, sociology made use of its theoretical and methodological apparatus available at that time. Therefore, resource mobilization theory, the political opportunities/political process model, and framing theory gradually looked at countermovements from different points of view and concentrated on different parts of their life cycle. This article first discusses various countermovement definitions and dilemmas which sociologists have faced in their analysis. It then focuses on the key dimensions of the countermovement life cycle: its genesis and mobilization, strategy and tactics, and its potential effects. Emphasis is placed on the comparison of different theoretical and methodological approaches and the dynamic movement-countermovement relationship. The topics are illustrated on examples from relevant case studies. The conclusion summarises the areas to which the social sciences, in analysing the problems of countermovements, pay very little attention.
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