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EN
The paper defends two assumptions in Burge's externalist argument against materialism. One assumption is that the content of a belief is determined by the rules that govern its expression in a shared language. Hence, I call this principle linguistic socialism. According to the other assumption, a belief survives as long as it keeps its content. Content is regarded here as essential to a belief, so I call this principle semantic essentialism. The critics of socialism such as Davidson and Bilgrami reject it in favour of individualism, claiming that mental content is independent of conventionally fixed meaning. The opponents of essentialism such as Gibbons prefer accidentalism, arguing that content is inessential to a belief. I argue that individualism and accidentalism contradict empirical facts and modal intuitions about belief ascription, respectively.
EN
Edward Abramowski (1868-1918) was a Polish socialist thinker whose ideas became timely again after the welfare state crisis in the West and the collapse of communism in the East Europe. His political theory was based on strong assumption that socialism is an economic and moral ideal which can be achieved only without the state interference. The latter as territorially organized legal coercion contradicts individual freedom, innovation, solidarity and social development. An expression of that perspective was a strategy of restraining state and bureaucracy by politics and by development of consumer cooperative movement. All spontaneous social activity was admired by Abramowski, but he emphasized economic potential of cooperatives which can lead to all-embracing anticapitalist social organization. He pointed out weaknesses of social democracy and communism especially their excessive faith in state organized economy and society which leads in practice to despotism and not to human emancipation. Abramowski's antistatism, his support for mobilization of civil society in economic activity and emphasis on ethical dimension of social change are responsible for the timeliness of his thought in contemporary discussions about social employment, social economy, social responsibility of business and cooperative movement's perspectives in Poland.
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EN
A wave of strikes in the summer of 1980 and which were the consequence of the birth of "Solidarity" was an event that many historians and political scientists considers appropriate beginning the agony of the system of real socialism in Central and Eastern Europe. not is no, and probably will not be complete agreement as to which factor played a the most important role in the birth of the largest social movement in the past Polish history.
EN
The article is devoted to Vilfredo Pareto's reflections on socialism and dicusses thoroughly his important work 'Les syst'emes socialistes', especially its first part dealing with so called real socialist systems. This large treatise edited in 1901-1902 played an important role in the evolution of Pareto's ideas. It brought the early version of his famous theory of social elites that was strictly connected with his refutation of historiosophical progressivism. Pareto examined many historical examples - from ancient Greece to some tendencies in contemporary policy - in order to elaborate the precise typology of the systems of real socialism. He tried to demonstrate that real socialism was an obstacle to economic and cultural development. Socialism was for him on the one hand utopian, and on the other hand - immoral (as the apology of plunder and as a riot against social hierarchy). He didn't exclude however that in the future the well organized socialist movement would come into power.
EN
The most relentless attack on socialism in Britain in the late nineteenth century was made by W. H. Mallock. He was one of the few Conservatives to take socialism seriously enough to subject it to a rigorous criticism and thus he did more than probably anyone else to convince Conservatives that socialism, and not liberalism, was their real enemy. Mallock was dissatisfied with evolutionary sociology, but neither could he rely - in constructing his defence of the man of ability - on the concepts of traditional conservatism. Consequently, he tried to elaborate a new theoretical framework to prove his main thesis, i.e. the connexion between the inequalities in human capacity and the inequality of wealth. He insisted that any changes that tend to abolish inequalities would tend also to destroy civilization. This conviction led him, however, to an exaggerated defence of individualism, neglecting the corporate needs of society.
EN
A fast devastation of natural environment, wasteful exploitation of natural resources and accumulation of technological dangers is now taking place on the global scale. It seems to be impossible to counter-act these processes without executing a controlled slow down of economic growth and scientific-technological development. In this article the author examines the possibilities to limit growth in socialism - defined as a system where private property plays small role and economy is directed mainly with the use of command and control methods. He discusses in turn: the determinants which make deliberate slow down of economic growth in socialism unlikely; the difficulties of central coordination of economy in the condition of limited growth; and factors which support the politics of near zero growth in socialism. He also compares socialism with capitalism and proposes that policy of near zero growth is somewhat more probable in the first of these social orders. In the last section of this article he argues that a return of socialism is a real eventuality: 1. Accumulation of civilizational dangers pushes the state to expand which in turn makes the control of many spheres of social life more and more tightly. 2. Capitalism is destabilized by the fast growth of social inequalities on the global scale, especially in rich countries. 3. Foreign debt of United States is huge and it is still growing which makes the breakdown of its economy (and consequently a world-wide slump) more and more probable. Realisation of this scenario would lead to serious de-legitimisation of capitalism. It is hard to guess whether socialism can return before the devastation of natural environment, exploitation of natural resources and mounting technological dangers make it impossible. It is now probable, that soon we can expect the emergence of social order that will be in many ways similar to that which existed before the era of industrialisation.
EN
The study focuses on epistemological, theoretical-methodological, and ethical questions that touched on individual phases of the implementation of oral history, or biographical research, focused on the life histories of people who lived their adult life in the former Czechoslovakia. It pay attention to the specifics of the ethnological approach to the research of everyday life, the connection between the representation of the past in its current interpretations, and describes the possibilities and limits of the ethnological research of the past in the present. An essential factor in the interpretation and analysis of research data is the local context and the connection with a small industrial town that developed during the socialist era. The theoretical starting point of the research is the concept of memory, which is thematised from several points of view, while the moment of asymmetry between collective and individual memory is at the centre of analytical interest. The subject of the analysis are the so-called micro-stories that communicate the current view of an ordinary person on their daily life in the past, i.e. in socialism, which is viewed not only as a specific historical epoch, but also as a special type of culture. The chosen perspective is based on the thesis that the perception and experience of lived socialism at the local level can differ significantly from the official interpretation of historical events, while this narrative is recognized as dominant. The chosen ethnological perspective does not seek to reconstruct history; it also notes the role of emotions in the research process and opens up the possibilities of the social significance of biographical research in the present.
EN
The text initially analyses what the term “historic site of interest” included during individual phases of modern Czech history. It also describes how and why spontaneous interest in historic monuments transformed into scientific interest. However, the text mainly focuses on the attitude of Czech society towards historic sites of interest and historical preservation after the Second World War. The paper clarifies why Prague monuments of the highest possible national value (Old Town Square, Prague Castle, Karolinum, Bethlehem Chapel, Hvězda Summer Palace) received the most attention primarily. It also clarifies the importance state bodies credited to minor (mainly Jewish) historic sites of interest, both in Prague and in the regions. The text states that although selected Jewish historic monuments in Prague were repaired in the 1950s, because it was assumed that they would be used in the field of tourism, others (including those that were of interest to tourists) were left to fall into disrepair. Terezín received attention for ideological reasons. However, its historical value was used for propaganda purposes. Victims of the Shoa were described as fighters for socialism in the 1950s. The post-war condition of Jewish historic sites of interest in the regions can be described as catastrophic, during which time only two regional synagogues were repaired during socialism (in Plzeň and Holešov). The devastation of unprotected Jewish cemeteries, which were usually located in remote areas, also continued. The gravestones in these cemeteries became sought-after building material. Indications of changes to come in relation to regional Jewish historic sites of interest only appear at the end of the so-called normalisation period.
EN
The paper describes efforts to present the period of socialism in museums from the beginning of this century in the form of exhibitions of selected Slovak museums, the collecting interest of individuals in objects from this period and the establishment of museum exhibitions, their motivation (nostalgia, technological and art-historical interest, way of spending free time, etc.), the efforts of civil associations bringing together those unjustly prosecuted before 1989 to document the lack of freedom and totality and to establish a museum of the crimes of communism as a form of building collective memory about this historical period. The study points to dealing with the past by providing an example in selected countries of the former Eastern bloc and a comparison with developments in Slovakia.
EN
The aim of this paper is to emphasize the necessity of examining consumption for understanding of the actually existing socialism in Slovakia. The authoress intends to show that consumption was crucial for both socialist political economy and mundane life despite the fact that the communist ideology privileged the production and redistribution. In particular, consumption was an important medium where the citizens' attitudes towards the communist regime were both created and expressed. The communist party used an increase in a consumption and in fulfilling the basic needs of the citizens for the legitimization of their power. Simultaneously, the consumption became a space for the resistance against the communist regime and one of the causes of its fall.
EN
The contribution deals with a limited or selected choice of the certain kinds of food for the various social groups during socialism. The author pays attention to the obtaining and preparation of a food. The author analyzes the selected set of the culinary recipes and makes the conclusions concerning the relation between the developmental conditions (economic system, socio-cultural processes) and the manifestations of culinary culture during 1970s and 1980s in the former Czechoslovakia. He also considers the function of a food as a sign of the social status. The annex includes 24 food recipes of the investigated group with commentaries.
EN
The Warsaw Pact armies invaded the state territory of the former Czechoslovakia in August 1968 in order to suppress liberalisation reforms. The event fundamentally transformed further political, democratising, economic, cultural and social processes in Czechoslovakia. The military presence of Soviet intervention troops resulted in the establishment of special garrisons that became de facto foreign and ‘invisible’ zones. Zvolen became one of such places where Soviet soldiers operated, worked and lived. The garrison as well as a purpose built residential district for the members of the Soviet army and their families were situated in Zvolen. The objective of this study is to explain in detail whereabouts in the town their presence was (in)visible and to demonstrate examples of situations in which the soldiers, their families and local citizens came into official and unofficial contact. The study is based on archival materials, contemporary regional print and field research.
EN
The aim of the paper is to characterize some of the typical aspects that are present in the language of socialism in Czechoslovakia (1948 – 1989). The language used during this period is different with regard to present lexicology or stylistics. The main influential factor was the presence of the political/communist/socialist ideology in a press. In lexicon it may be seen in different forms such as repeating of words, changes in semantics, using and manipulating of positive and negative meaning of words, creating antonyms with political lexeme and so on. The issue was researched using editorials from political newspaper Pravda in 1968 and literature which is cited below the text. The language of socialism was different from the language in the press nowadays. Analysed linguistics aspects were gathered and used to present one of the ways how the political ideology of the communist party in Czechoslovakia manipulated the masses through the media. However, they represent just a small piece of socialist language which was a dynamic part in a development of society in this time period.
EN
Analyzing the works of Polish solidarists, we can find many references to other — sometimes mutually exclusive — ideological currents. However, as far as the economic aspects of the solidarist doctrine are concerned, we can easily detect especially strong connections with corporatism which was also repeatedly referred to by representatives of Italian Fascism. The principal ideologue of Polish solidarism — Professor Leopold Caro — perceived corporatism as a so-called “Third Way,” constituting the ideological alternative positioned between liberalism and socialism. In all his most important works — such as Thoughts of a Japanese on Poland, Solidarism, New Ways or Towards New Poland — he repeatedly made approving references to Italian Fascism or to Benito Mussolini. His main analysis of the phenomenon of Fascism can however be found in the publication titled Social and Economic Reforms of Fascism. The most important element of the analysis of Fascism as presented by Leopold Caro was the comparison of this Italian doctrine with socialism, and particularly liberalism, regarding the issue of social and economic rights in the context of labor relations. Analyzing the social-and-economic policies undertaken by Benito Mussolini, Leopold Caro pointed out their dualist character, involving, on one hand, gaining the approval of the group of leading industrialists (right after the conclusion of military hostilities when the specter of Communist revolution was seemingly looming), and, on the other, exerting a pressure on the industrialists in order to force them to recognize social rights. Another issue, which was approvingly acknowledged by the Polish solidarist, concerned the separation of economic aspects in which there existed a possibility of governmental intervention with simultaneous protection and development of private initiatives. Attempting to transplant Italian solutions onto Polish ground, Leopold Caro finally concluded that it is currently impossible to achieve due to the fact Polish society was simply not prepared for such radical changes and required substantial transformation before they could take place.
EN
The contribution is devoted to the delimitation of the political anecdote and the joke. In the introduction, it Publisher an overview of the Slovakian and Czech literature, and a brief overview of the world literature. Based on the concept of Umberto Eco´s over-interpretation shows that the content as a basic identification symbol constitutes often an insufficient criterion. Therefore, the limits of the political anecdote are searched in other properties of the Slovakian prosaic folklore and anecdote as an independent genre. The author defines the above based on the political and social conditionality of the period, in which the anecdote was and is living, as well as based on its bearer, performance, function and other features. She highlights the problematic or unclear limits for the definitiv of the monitored phenomenon in respect to the period and its character. As an example, she uses materials from the period of the real socialism in Czechoslovakia as well as those from the present age, which have been collected in the field research to a dissertation thesis. She sets the anecdotes beside each other, pointing to thein common and different properties, their place in the society and their different or same perception.
EN
Metaphors have always been a common aspect of communication in political and media discourse. The study deals with the occurrence and importance of conceptual metaphors in the political newspaper Pravda in the 2nd half of 1960 ́s regarding to the dynamic historical and political development of the period and the formation of ideology. The results of the research reflect the shift in the meaning and application of conceptual metaphors as a result of the advent of A. Dubček ́s reform government, the invasion of the Warsaw Pact forces into Czechoslovakia and occupation of the country, and the gradual formation of the normalization process by 1970.
EN
The paper deals with the social democracy reform in terms of the "Third Way" concept of British sociologist Anthony Giddens. It briefly describes the evolution of social democracy subjects considering their establishment, period of prosperity and dominance, until the crisis and efforts undertaken for their restoration. Therefore it tends to analyse the main pillars and attributes of the "Third Way" concept based on the roots and the history of its creation. The paper does not aspire to provide definite judgement on this concept, but focuses more on the theoretical background and practical implementations trans-formed into real policies executed by selected political parties.
EN
The paper focuses on the interpretations of the concept of revolution in work of Rosa Luxemburg. It follows the basis of Luxemburg’s reflection on the revolution, their specific historical context and implications. The article outlines the controversy with revisionism, which, particularly in Luxemburg’s works, represents the first source of a theoretical grasp of the (socialist) revolution as a way of social change. Her conclusions and the methodological elaboration of the problem have been reflected in the evaluation of specific historical events (the Russian Revolution of 1905, the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917 and the revolutionary events of November 1918 in Germany).
EN
The aim of the article is to outline the problem of the urban topos in dramatic writing. The analysis is conducted on two plays by Viliam Klimáček, namely his Ginsberg v Bratislave (Beat Generation 1965) [Ginsberg in Bratislava (Beat Generation 1965); 2008] and Socík, sladký socík (alkoholický sprievodca socialistickou Bratislavou) [Socialism, sweet socialism (An alcoholic guide to socialist Bratislava); 2016] both of which deal with the socialist era. The introductory part of the article concentrates on Klimáček’s personal relationship to Bratislava and on specific locations portrayed in the two plays. The section devoted to the basic theoretical foundations of the problem of space in literature and drama concentrates mainly on the structuring of the dramatic text. It addresses the specific character of such a text as well as its dual form of existence (as a written text and as a stage production) that substantially influence the problematic portrayal of the urban setting. The textual handling of the space is confronted with its stage realisation which differs from the written form of the play. The differences once again testify to the dual character of the dramatic text which is written as a literary piece, but is prototypically realised on the stage.
EN
The aim of the article is not to criticise the dominant in Polish sociology of the late 1970s and the early 1980s concepts of social structure and dynamics but to outline proposals for further research and explanation. The first, author discusses the concepts of social structure, conflict and dynamics. The stress is on the activist and relationist concept of structure. Conflict is analysed in three dimensions: behavioral, psychological-attitudinal, and structural. Dynamics is also analysed in three dimensions: changes in the distribution of various social characteristics; social processes; and the stages of development of socialism. The second part discusses theoretical and methodological orientations in Polish macrosociology until the mid-1980s. The third chapter suggests that new research programs should take into account the following perspectives: 1) classic Marxian analysis of social structure, contradictions, and revolutions, 2) contemporary structural Western Marxism, 3) modern conflict theory, 4) critical theory of society, 5) conservative social theory stressing social costs of excessive role of the state, and 6) the elites theories.
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