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1
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Festiwal "Solidarności" i stan wojenny na łamach czasopism społeczno-kulturalnych PRL

100%
Mielczarek T.
Rocznik Bibliologiczno-Prasoznawczy
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2009
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vol. 12
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issue 1
101-124
EN
The subject of the article was the content of the most legally-published socio-cultural polish magazines between 1980 and 1983. The choice of the analysed magazines had an intentional character and included titles with the highest circulation and therefore having a significantly impact on public opinion. Omitting the statistical aspect of the analysis facilitated the highlighting of the most important threads presented in the magazines. Hitherto press coverage at the time was undertaken only once and dealt with only the legal dailies published under the state of war. The author came to the conclusion that the officially-published polish socio-cultural magazines at the outset of 1980 in the XX century have two clearly defined periods. Analysis of magazine contents issued between September 1980 and December 1981 which permits the ascertainment that concentration was focused mainly on three key issues: the revival of self-government in all spheres of culture, restoration of writers' social role as well as the children's and the journalistic reports on the daily tensions of social life. Such contents attracted substantial interest from readers with regards to what the magazine offers, just like the press, at the time, which had great popularity. After 13th December 1981, some known and popular columnists together with a substantial part of writers who came into permanent co-operation with the "underground press" or periodicals disappeared from the pages of the analysed press. Concessioned socio-cultural magazines became excessively polemical or overly flexible towards their political supervisors, which quite effectively put off potential readers. That is why, even after the state of war was lifted, in order to guard against the loss of audytorium, the spread of popular literature and literature of facts was embarked upon.
2
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LEGITIMITA SOCIÁLNEHO ŠTÁTU

80%
Garbarčík P.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2013
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vol. 2
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issue 1
84 – 87
EN
This article deals with the role of welfare state as a subject of intensive discussions concerning its legitimacy, justification of its existence and functioning. Due to long-term crisis of the social state, this contribution identifies its problematic aspects and presents the main reasons and causes that are rooted in growing dominance of private sector. Such dominance originates from social stratification and weakening of solidarity between different social groups, i.e. support of social state.
3
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Solidarność jako wydarzenie historyczne – u podstaw zwiazku zawodowego

80%
Ciampani A.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2010
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issue 2(14)
9-12
EN
In a secularized world, "Solidarity" revealed in a direct way Christian dimension of society, not covered with dust rhetorical organization religious and acceptance of (more or less conscious) classical schemes or neo-corporatist second half of the twentieth century Polish Experience solidarity in the early 80s possible renewal of this century, the belief the cohesive strength of workers resulting from the personal and voluntary choice and with a sense of shared responsibility.
4
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Zmiany ustrojowe postulowane w ramach NSZZ „Solidarność” w latach 1980-1981

80%
Łabędź K.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2010
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issue 2(14)
35-48
EN
The natural objective of the "Solidarity", which has arisen as a result of protest society against the economic position and political, reform was to ensure improvement. However, the association did not immediately taken steps to formulate an appropriate the program. In the initial period is assumed that the functioning Therefore in the political system has to rely primarily on controlling in power and forcing certain actions, often referred to as general implementation of the August.
5
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„Solidarność” w podziemiu (1981-1989)

80%
Głębocki H.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2010
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issue 2(14)
69-86
EN
By introducing the night of 12 to 13 December 1981, martial law, prepared since the summer of 1980, the communist authorities used the surprise and experienced relatively little resistance. Contributed to both the lack of adequate preparation by the "Solidarity", disbelief in the possibility of efficient conduct of such operations, operation of special services, as well as the concept of turning over 9-million union. We used the psychological factors - fatigue Society sometimes deliberately inspired conflicts, and stoked fears of Soviet intervention.
6
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Sympatia, nieufność, wyczekiwanie. Postawy polityczne

80%
Pleskot P.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2010
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issue 2(14)
49-68
EN
U.S. evaluation of the events in Poland between August 1980 and December 1981 decisively determined the fear of Soviet intervention like the invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, and the culmination of the election campaign presidential election. Therefore, the main slogan of American diplomacy, repeated like a mantra, it was nieinterweniowanie in internal Polish affairs, which were to be resolved by the Poles themselves. This dogma has been adopted by all democratic countries around the world, and the most consistently implemented by the members of NATO.
7
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Solidarność i sekularyzacja

80%
Della Torre G.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2010
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issue 2(14)
93-99
EN
In the beginning was the charity. This feeling, understood as love of neighbor, different from eros and branches, more than other shaped the identity of the West. In the period from late antiquity to the early Middle Ages, agape, at the unique process of enculturation and acculturation of Christianity, awoke feeling created models, directed policy, revived the law and institutions.
8
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Rewolucja „Solidarności” (1980-1981). Punkty zwrotne

80%
Antoni D.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2010
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issue 2(14)
13-34
EN
A wave of strikes in the summer of 1980 and which were the consequence of the birth of "Solidarity" was an event that many historians and political scientists considers appropriate beginning the agony of the system of real socialism in Central and Eastern Europe. not is no, and probably will not be complete agreement as to which factor played a the most important role in the birth of the largest social movement in the past Polish history.
9
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Solidarność wolnych związków zawodowych w ustroju demokratycznym. Rozważania o „Solidarności” w kontekście włoskiego ruchu związków zawodowych

80%
Brandini P. M.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2010
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issue 2(14)
87-92
EN
Here are the considerations which are a kind of introduction to the show relationship between the experience of free trade unions and the democratic political context. This relationship does not have acceptable alternatives that would allow for understanding the development of solidarity in such a complex a society like ours. In the historical development of positive relationships are revealed associationism between free trade unions and freedom guaranteed by democratic institutions.
10
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PERCEPTIONS ON INEQUALITY AND ON THE CAUSES OF POVERTY IN SLOVAKIA

80%
Strapcova K.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2005
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vol. 37
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issue 5
419-448
EN
In this paper, popular perceptions on inequality and on the causes of poverty in Slovakia are analysed. The paper begins with the assumption that recognising popular perceptions will enable us to identify how socially marginalized people are represented in our society and what kinds of social policy measures are perceived as appropriate by the public. Our theoretical concept is based on a two dimensional typology with four basic types of poverty explanation: 1. individual blame or blaming-the-poor approach, 2. social blame or blaming-the-state approach, 3. individual fate and 4. social fate. In addition to an empirical analysis, an assessment is made as to whether perceptions are shaped by basic principles present in the judgment process (self-interest, i.e. the underdog principle, or enlightenment principle). The dynamics of changes in public opinion are examined through available comparative datasets (European Values Study 1991 and 1999, Society 2004). The results show that the individual socio-economic position has an effect on the preferred explanation of poverty causes. The higher the socio-economic position, the more stigmatising the opinion.
11
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TREEDOM IN THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD (Wolnosc we wspólczesnym swiecie)

80%
Pilch W.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2009
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issue 1(330)
15-38
EN
The problem of freedom in the contemporary world is no longer a question of independence. 'Contemporary' freedom resembles a continuous and repeatedly undertaken process of dialogical agreement between parties to a debate, e.g. supranational communities, states, or other subjects of public life, such as institutions and associations. Freedom also pertains to relations and bonds, so it has to do with the 'relational' matter that unites people. It consists in creating and building, and so cannot be labeled as a fact. To struggle for freedom today means to seek and find possibilities of communication, agreement and consensus. Autonomy, sovereignty and solidarity between people are therefore the fundamental correlates of freedom. Only an agent (e.g. a person or state) strong in one's autonomy and independent in one's reasons (interests, rights), self-conscious and responsible, can create bonds and relations of solidarity, which means such bonds and relations that social activity is directed towards a common good and becomes a value in itself, a value of people's public life.
12
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ETHNICITY IN THE INTERNET ECUMEN. IS DIGITAL SOLIDARITY POSSIBLE? (Etnicznosc w internetowej ekumenie. Czy mozliwa jest solidarnosc cyfrowa?)

80%
Kuligowski W.
Lud
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2010
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vol. 94
59-72
EN
The author has analysed forms of presence of selected ethnic groups in the Internet. The typology of modern ethnic groups formulated by Thomas Hylland Eriksen has been used. Eriksen has identified four types of ethnic groups: 1. urban ethnic minorities, 2. indigenous peoples, 3. proto-nations and 4. ethnic groups in plural societies. Each of the types of ethnic groups identified by Eriksen is illustrated with one example. The urban ethnic minority is represented by the Assyrians, indigenous peoples - by the Mapuche from Chile, proto-nations - by the Tamils and the ethnic groups in plural societies by the Garifuna in Belize. The question about the 'Internet versions of ethnic identities' is also a question about the nature of the groups and their online relations, the relations between the real and virtual culture as well as about the 'digital solidarity', its potential and limitations.
13

SOLIDARITY WITH UKRAINIAN REFUGEES IN SLOVAKIA: WHAT MOTIVATES THOSE WHO HELP?

80%
Novák Bobulová A., Poslon X. D., Lášticová B.
Človek a spoločnosť. Internetový časopis pre pôvodné teoretické a výskumné štúdie z oblasti spoločenských vied
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2023
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vol. 26
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issue 2
-
EN
The aim of the study was to explore the motivations of solidarity with Ukrainian refugees in Slovakia. In particular, it aimed to examine the motivations of people who had engaged in helping immigrants and refugees in the past as well as those who started only after the invasion of Ukraine. The first theme was based on the events the participants described as triggers or significant moments that had elicited their need to support refugees. These moments were often accompanied by moral shock, leading to solidarity based actions. The second theme presented a broader perspective on helping a disadvantaged group. This was based on participants’ constructions of their social identity that contributes to the level of inclusiveness of the moral circle. The extent to which different disadvantaged groups are morally excluded or included also shapes which experiences or events trigger moral shock, and lead to selective solidarity on behalf of Ukrainian refugees vs. refugees from other countries. As well as providing a basis for further research, the findings also invite us to reflect on how public discourse can shape the level of inclusiveness of the moral circle in society and subsequently facilitate or hinder solidarity-based collective action.
14

K FILOZOFICKÝM VÝCHODISKÁM SÚČASNÝCH MODELOV ZDRAVOTNEJ STAROSTLIVOSTI

70%
Smolková E.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2019
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vol. 74
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issue 8
637 – 651
EN
Most of us understand health care as a system in which certain values and moral standards must apply. We will try to grasp different types of health care systems, the way they work and, above all, specify how the systems differ from one another. We will investigate the issue of the access to health care and we will show how the theoretical and practical approaches to health issues intersect and influence each other. We will try to explain why this occurs on the background of socio-political theories and concepts that currently resonate in this area. Different theoretical bases as well as different approaches to health care require systematization and specification of criteria of differences, so that we can orientate ourselves in these issues and know the basic approaches that are present in contemporary health care. The point is, however, to show how moral approaches and moral judgments affect the methods and methodologies that are used in relation to these issues and how this may impact on the practical delivery of health care.
15
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APPLYING BENGTSON’S MODEL OF INTERGENERATIONAL SOLIDARITY TO CZECH CARING FAMILIES

70%
Jeřábek H.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2019
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vol. 51
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issue 6
584 – 602
EN
This paper links two research fields: elderly care in families and intergenerational solidarity. Its aim is to apply Bengtson’s general theory of intergenerational solidarity to a specific sample of families currently caring for an elderly family member. Is it possible to apply Bengton’s general theory to a generation of families caring for elderly parents? We compared our findings with the results of studies in the US and the Netherlands and found similar types of families. We also developed and tested a unidimensional scale for measuring family cohesion as a specification of Bengtson’s classic model. Success in comparison offers a chance for generalization of our findings also in other countries under specific circumstances.
16
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SOCIÁLNY ŠTÁT AKO VÝSLEDOK BOJA ZA UZNANIE

70%
Garbarčík P., Polačková A.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2013
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vol. 2
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issue 2
50 – 53
EN
This article deals with a role of the welfare state as a middleman and a guarantor of basic social rights concerning socially disadvantaged groups. The main objective is to open a discussion regarding the role of welfare state in the process of recognition and social valuation of people impacted by poverty or social exclusion. Recognition theory of Axel Honneth, a representative of contemporary critical theory, has been used as a theoretical basis for this analysis.
17

DEMOKRATIZAČNÝ PROCES NA SLOVENSKU PO ROKU 1989 V OČAKÁVANIACH VEREJNOSTI

70%
Plávková O.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2014
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vol. 7
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issue 1
3 – 20
EN
The paper introduces the theoretical background for a discussion about the role of citizens in the Slovak community; it analyses expectations of the citizens of Slovakia in the light of deepening of democratization and democratic processes in the mid-nineties. The study leans on data from the representative sociological research realized by a team of researchers around the Institute of Political Sciences of S.A.S in 2003-05. The research findings induced a hypothesis about the existence of distinct stages of revival of citizenship in the process of overcoming the totalitarian civic syndrome, i.e. the revival of citizens´ activation within a frame of a public life. The surveys proved that the citizens of Slovakia have already got over the first stage of acquiring their ability to perform a role of citizens in a democratic state. Finally, the paper focuses on the fact that Slovak society has acquired its own experience with skipping historical phases of development without serious or deep internal conflicts. Slovak citizens derived from the traditional social atmosphere and paternalism of the nineties. As a result, citizens are not willing to take over their responsibility for attributes and conditions of the newly created democratic society. The process of creating and performing the role of citizens proceeds very slowly. It has become apparent that masses of inhabitants are not willing to act in the public interest.
18

IDEAS, REALITY AND THE INTERNATIONAL CONTEXT OF THE SOCIAL STATE IN THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC OF 1939-1945

61%
Hallon Ľ., Schvarc M.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
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2015
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vol. 63
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issue 5
901 – 937
EN
The conservative forces in the Slovak society of the first half of the 20th century sought models in Christian solidarity and the corporate state, which would replace parliamentarism of the Western type. The ideas could be put into practice after the seizure of power in autumn 1938 and especially after Slovakia became independent in March 1939. However, the ally of independent Slovakia, Nazi Germany rejected the corporate state. Therefore, the idea of Christian solidarity was replaced with the idea of Slovak National socialism and plans for a corporate social system for the Slovak working community according to the German model. The regime of the Slovak Republic of 1939 – 1945 attempted to put the new principles of the social state into economic and social practice. However, the implementation of the ideas of the time about a social state and the political system of Slovakia stopped half way.
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Sociálne uznanie v globálnom priestore: Možnosti a limity mediálnej reflexie

61%
Solík M., Mináriková J.
Communication Today
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2014
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vol. 5
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issue 2
20-31
EN
The study deals with the issues of social recognition in global space, focusing on its media reflection. Even though recognition is one of the key terms discussed by contemporary Philosophy – and by Social Sciences as a whole – it tends to be reflected and formulated mostly on interpersonal or local levels. The authors put special emphasis on the problem of solidarity in the context of recognition, pointing out that solidarity, as a form of recognition, is not associated with any adequate parallels behind the borders of national states – this fact is obvious mostly in transnational economy. Taking into account this basic assumption, the study aims to articulate extraterritorial recognition of the possessors of social rights on international and transnational levels of justice. It is obvious that people living in countries of the ‘Third World’ are not able to express their disagreement through ways and means typical for the Western civilization. Their fights for recognition also represent fighting for water, food, shelter, etc. The authors therefore point out the problem related to thematic agenda of the media, which demonstrates the possibilities and limits of media reflection – they have to select between large amounts of different events and news, and thus pay attention only to a limited number of information, missing out the problems associated with absent solidarity on a global scale. In addition, opportunities and limits of media communication linked to articulation of the global fights for social recognition cannot be omitted, especially in the context of following argumentation of possible scenarios that focus on re-formulation of public interests. The authors claim that national states should use their influence in global and transnational organizations, and media need to strengthen their information function in order to offer relevant information about important events related to the ‘Third World’ countries. However, economic interests of transnational corporations seem to be one of the limits of this process. Even though we are able to witness the dynamic development progress of alternative information sources, their credibility has not been able to match the level of influence of global information networks yet.
20
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Political-Economic Transnational Behavior: A Case Study of the Polish American Economic Forum

61%
Erdmans M. P.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2018
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vol. 44
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issue 4 (170)
9–30
EN
This article presents a case study of the Polish American Economic Forum as an example of public transnational behavior in intertwining economic and political spheres. The organization was formed in 1989, primarily by Solidarity refugees and other contemporary migrants, along with a small number of Polish Americans and WWII émigrés who played salient roles. The migrants utilized cross-national networks and bi-cultural knowledge to create a nonprofit organization to promote investment in Poland’s emerging private sector economy, which they also defined as political support for the new government. The transnational networks of these contemporary Polish migrants in the U.S. were simultaneously embedded in both the home and host countries.
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