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EN
There are raising voices about the crisis of the Swedish welfare state. The aim of this article is to present changes of Swedish social policy in the 1990s in order to check whether the statements about the crisis are correct. For this purpose, Paul Pierson's perspective of retrenchment is used. Pierson distinguishes between two kinds of retrenchment: programmatic (change of programmes towards Titmuss' residual model of social policy) and systemic (changes of institutions which allow for those changes in a future). Four elements of the Swedish social security system are analysed: two representing cash benefits (pensions, unemployment benefits), two others - services: health care and care for elderly. The latter were chosen because services are believed to be more vulnerable for retrenchment. All sectors faced both forms of the retrenchment, however to the different extent. The main trends in Swedish social policy of past decade are: privatisation and decentralisation. Additionally, the article confirms the statement concerning services sector's vulnerability. One would say, that Swedish welfare state in the 1990s was transforming towards residual model. However, this process was very slow and was evident only from the Scandinavian perspective: from the comparative one, it seems that Swedish social policy hasn't lost its main features. Thus, the statement about the crisis of the Swedish welfare state isn't true, it is rather the shift from the 'Gold' to the 'Silver Era'.
EN
The so called 'collapse' of Swedish welfare state is often perceived in Poland in the light of 'family decline' that is expected to have happened in the Nordic countries. Additionally, according to some groups of authors, since (Western, and maybe especially Swedish) 'atomization, hedonism and selfishness' promotes a certain style of life making people put away their decision about having a child, which together leads to dramatic decrease in birthrates. In the writings of conservative authors demographic decline presents very basic threat for the nation's existence. This article is aimed at clarifying the facts concerning Swedish family policy, as well as at showing successful institutional solutions, which could be applied in Poland because their usefulness in Polish conditions. Theoretical background including 'gendering welfare state' approach is here presented mostly due to its absence in the writings of Polish authors. Gender equality point of view is accompanied by showing, how much freedom of choice Swedish model of family policy provides. In order to have a wider view of this topic, the main characteristics of Swedish state's policy towards families are presented together with the 'retrenchment' period of the 1990s, analyzed with the intention to shed some different light on the fact, whether the retrenchment is really taking place or not.
EN
This article examines the model of integration policy in Sweden. The case of Sweden has been taken as an example of relatively effective way of constructing an integrated multiethnic and multicultural society. Sweden during the 20th century underwent a dramatic transformation, from an ethnically and culturally homogeneous country, becoming in short time multiethnic and multicultural. Swedish integration policy is being discussed here from two perspectives: from the historical one concentrating on the origin and evolution, applied ideology, intellectual background of the main actors and creators, and from the contemporary perspective including aspects like: financial and social costs, arrangement of work market, education, competence evaluation and NGOs involvement.
EN
The Swedish model's high level of consistence that links normative assumptions and institutional practices into an integrated whole, as well as its high aspiration level are probably unique. The article reviews the normative assumptions, and institutional features of the model with a particular focus on the role played by the goal of full employment, and the instruments of Active Labour Market Policy developed in order to achieve it. It is argued that the emphasis originally placed by the model's architects on individual employability and labour mobility, though pivotal for its initial success did, inadvertently contribute to the gradual growth in the ranks of the permanently unemployable in the later decades. Previously, the low degree of coordination between the public actors within the system, and the cleavage between the fields of labour market and welfare largely hindered the emergence of new public solutions, while social economy actors were kept at bay. The ongoing realignment of local government- and public sector institutions and tasks opens new scenarios, in which the diversity and high level of autonomy of public actors may provide the base for the emergence of new partnerships and initiatives in the field.
EN
After WW II, there was some 30 architects among the 5,000 Latvian refugees who had settled up in Sweden. There was a construction boom going on, and they quickly found work, given that professional contacts with Sweden had been established even before the war. Riga's young architects in the 1930s learned much about classical styles and less about the methods of functionalism. They appeared in Sweden at a time when the two different approaches to architecture - the retrospective and the functional - were becoming synthesized into Neo Empire style. The Latvian architects brought form-type ideas and compositional techniques that had been used in Sweden previously. Among them were a trend toward romantic and monumental construction forms, such as towers on city government buildings. A project to build a new city hall for Riga, the designer for which was influenced by the early-century town hall building of Stockholm, had not been completed when war came. The most significant work toward this direction is the city hall in Vesterosa, which was designed by M. Sanrna and S. Ahlbom. Also accomplished in the profession were Voldemars Vasilis (public buildings in Goetheborg) and Andrejs Legzdins (design publications in the journal Domus), among others. Educated in the traditions of style-based architecture but well aware of the architecture of functionalism, the young Latvian architects were forced to put their ideas into practice in emigration, on the other side of the Baltic Sea. Thus they made a permanent investment in the architecture of the Swedish state.
EN
The development of civilization in the modern period was largely conditioned by a country's forest resources. Wood was necessary to meet the basic needs of the people and was the most common source of energy. In Sweden in the 17th and 18th c. the principal branches of economy - mining, iron and copper metallurgy, the production of tar - were dependent on wood supply. Wood was the source of charcoal, which fuelled blast furnaces and forges. Sweden was exceptionally rich in forests. Over a half of the country's area (55%-60%) was covered in woods, of which only 20% was used in the 17th c. In the mid 17th c. coal-mining and metallurgy consumed 17% of wood, but the growing production of bar iron (which increased twofold in the 18th c) caused an increased demand for wood and charcoal. In order to maintain steady wood supply for the copper and iron industry and to prevent excessive wood cutting the production of bar iron and the export of wood were limited. Although Swedish forest resources were so rich, already in the mid 17th c. the inhabitants of mining regions were worried by the emergence of new foundries and complained about a shortage of wood (households consumed about 72% of wood production). The problem became more acute in the 18th c. Local shortages of wood recurred around large conglomerates of blast furnaces and forges, especially in Bergslagen. In the regions with highest demand for charcoal there were conflicts between peasants and foundry owners. The great advantages of using charcoal as a source of energy in the 18th c. was its high energetic effectiveness and the fact that it came from a renewable energy source.
EN
This article argues that the economic crisis in Sweden was not caused by the large and generous welfare state, but rather by market-liberal economic reforms. Today the model is still doing relatively well and it still has the support of the population. Although the literature on 'retrenchment' focuses on social benefits, in Sweden cutbacks in this area were rather mild. Instead, the main cutbacks were actually in the quality of welfare services, which remains the greatest problem for Sweden.
EN
Swedish crime novel has been transforming for many years to become more socially involved. The ambition of many writers is not only to entertain the readers but also to participating in the social debate, criticizing the political and economical system, focusing on important issues such as violence against women, exploitation of working class by the privileged ruling class, the problems of a modern family and the situation of immigrants. Since the moment when in the mid 60's two journalists Maj Sjowall and Per Wahloo decided to use popular literature to spread social matters many other Swedish writers have decided to follow their way. Some of them are journalists - like Liza Marklund, Borge Hellstrom and Anders Roslund or Stieg Larsson. Their novels as well as the ones written by Henning Mannkel on Kurt Wallander have become crucial evidence of changes of Swedish society in the past twenty years. Modern Swedish crime fiction illustrates the population in the model fashion that is the reason why it can become one of the interests of the sociology of literature.
EN
The article examines the case of integration policy implemented in contemporary Sweden. The model has evolved from the 1960s undergoing a large number of transformations dictated by factors such as demographics, labor market structure, public sentiments towards foreigners, the concepts of economic development, political system, domestic politics and foreign policy of the Kingdom of Sweden. The focus has been directed on the constructing process of a cohesive society made up of groups with different ethnic, national, cultural, religious and linguistic backgrounds.
EN
According to the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX), Sweden is at the top of world ranking when it comes to successful integration of immigrants and refugees. However, during the last few years, there have been xenophobic discursive attacks on Sweden, in which it is commonly claimed that Sweden is ‘failing’ when it comes to immigrant integration. Such was the case of Kateřina Janouchová, a Czech-born journalist from Sweden, who was recently in the media spotlight after producing xenophobic rhetoric. Her discourse was countered by Hynek Pallas, another Czech-born Swedish journalist, as the debate (and surrounding textual and video production) spread from Sweden to the Czech Republic and the United Kingdom. This article approaches both the xenophobic and anti-xenophobic discourse of Janouchová and Pallas from a discourse analytical perspective. Even though it can be said with certainty that accepting large amounts of immigrants and refugees (such as Sweden have done) can be somewhat problematic on the political, societal and economic levels, the xenophobic discourse about Sweden tends to be exaggerated, which will be shown in Janouchova’s rhetoric. On the other hand, the liberal media has a tendency to ‘soften’ the debate, which was seen in the rhetoric of Pallas. In summary, Janouch’s rhetoric focused on two instances: one was worded as ‘concern’ for the future of Swedish society, through which refugees were presented as a danger to Sweden; the other concentrated on ‘potential’ danger, when real troublesome issues were not found. Pallas’ discourse drew directly on the spoken and textual production of Janouch. Nevertheless, his rhetoric was different, wherein he drew upon ideologies such as cosmopolitanism, through which a humane approach is not reserved for a single people/nation, but for anyone.
EN
The article describes a largely unknown Swedish effort to intervene in deportations of Jews in Slovakia between 1942 and 1944. Swedish officials and religious leaders used their diplomatic correspondence with the Slovak government to extract some Jewish individuals and later on the whole Jewish community of Slovakia from deportations by their government and eventually by German officials. Despite the efforts of Swedish Royal Consulate in Bratislava, the Swedish Archbishop Erling Eidem, and the Slovak Consul Bohumil Pissko in Stockholm, and despite the acts taken by some Slovak ministries, the Slovak officials including the President of Slovak republic Jozef Tiso revoked further negotiations in autumn 1944. However, the negotiations between Slovakia and Sweden created a scope of actions to protect some Jewish individuals which were doomed to failure due to the political situation. Nevertheless, this plan and the previous diplomatic interventions are significant to describe the almost unknown Swedish and Slovak efforts to save the Jews of Slovakia. Repeated Swedish offers to take in Jewish individuals and later the whole community would have likely prepared the way for larger rescues. These never occurred due to the Slovak interest in deporting its own Jewish citizens and later due to the German occupation of Slovakia.
EN
The aim of this article is to analyze the Swedish gender equality politics and its influence on the gender equality on the Swedish labour market and within families in period between 1970s and 2000s. Problems such as wage differentials, occupational sex segregation and unequal distribution of paid and unpaid work between the sexes were faced from the beginning of the 20th century up to 1960s. In order to address those issues gender equality politics was launched in 1970s including enacting of the law on separate taxation and law on gender equality. Moreover, a special family politics was launched encouraging men and women to divide childcare and housework equally. On one hand Swedish gender equality politics contributed to the growth of women's participation in labour market, to minimize wage differentials and it also made sex distribution between the occupations and at the leading positions in companies and institutions more equal. Moreover, this politics led to more equal distribution of unpaid work between men and women at home. On the other hand it must be pointed out that none of these problems has been completely solved. Women's wages are still generally lower than men's and women and men tend to work in different sectors. Women still take greater part of parental leave and tend to do the bigger part of unpaid work. Although a significant change in the level of gender equality has been made since 1960s, which can be considered a success of the Swedish gender equality politics, there is still much that needs to be done in order to achieve gender equality both on labour market and in families.
EN
The article analyses the differences between theoretical concepts of social policy models: US-liberal and the Euro-social, according to the classification of Gustav Esping-Andersen. The Liberal social policy model assumes reduced state interference in social life. The Social model offers the citizens a broad range of social security. Contradictory solutions within both models are presented on the social policy of the United States and Sweden. Selected areas analysed include health care system, social aid programmes and provisions of the labour market. The fundamental institutions of social policy in the United States are private market and family. By contrast, in Sweden it is the state that acts as most important social policy institution and provides extensive care from cradle to grave. Anyway, both the United States and Sweden are withdrawing from the classic models. In the first case it means increasing state involvement in the conduct of social policy. The second one is associated with increased private sector participation in providing social services and greater participation of the citizens.
EN
Departing from Michel Foucault’s concept of govern mentality, the focus of this article is the introduction of entrepreneurial education in Swedish education policy at the turn of the millennium. We analyse the various meanings attached to the concepts of “entrepreneur” and “entrepreneurship” in education policy documents, as well as the main arguments for introducing entrepreneurial education. In policy documents, the “entrepreneur” is portrayed as being flexible, creative, enterprising and independent, as having the ability to take initiative, solve problems and make decisions. Here, there is an emphasis made on economical utility, and its priority over other values. With an increasing mobilization of entrepreneurship in school, previous pedagogical and educational doctrines – focusing on equality, universalism and redistribution – are challenged. Other visions, stating other educational purposes and goals emerge. In the vision of the entrepreneurial school, it becomes logical and natural to emphasize the value education has for the economic system. In conclusion, entrepreneurial education may be seen as a particular kind of govern mentality, connecting students and their subjectivity to the rationality of the market – fostering subjects in line with the imperatives of the “advances liberal society”.
EN
Drawing on the distinction between absent and present presences, this article contributes to our understanding of how new managerial and performative discourses are played out in a secondary school context in Sweden. The consequences of numerous educational reforms during the last 20 years include a surge of new independent schools and increased segregation between students due to individual school choice. Following international trends, a yearly national municipal school ranking is published, drawing much attention both in the media and on the policy level, intensifying pressure for results at the municipal level. A case study was conducted in one bottom-ranked Swedish secondary school over the 2012-13 school years, focusing on how relationships between students and staff were negotiated in informal spaces and places. The results illustrate how absent presences and present presences are produced in the practice of schooling. The present presences were publication of results, raising merit scores and grading pressure, and the absent presences were the role of the media in the self-image of schools, increased workload for teachers, the misuse of statistical data and demoralization and determination. The results contribute to the understanding of a) the challenges that teachers and schools are faced with as a consequence of the new managerial and performative discourses in educational settings, and b) the means they draw on to face and resist them in their everyday practices.
EN
The aim of the study is to illuminate a teacher’s conceptions of quality expressed through verbal and non-verbal actions in relation to summative assessments of dance knowledge. The following research questions are considered in the study: What conceptions of quality emerge during grade conferences? In what ways do teacher’s conceptions of quality reflect knowledge hierarchies? How do the teacher’s and student’s conceptions of quality relate to each other? To grasp the phenomenon, material was gathered during observations in a Swedish upper secondary school and from the teacher’s written reflections. Individual grading conversations were observed between the teacher and ten students attending a course called Dance technique 1. In the analytical process, the phenomenon was seen, broadened out, varied, and then condensed into two themes: conceptions of quality expressed through the teacher’s focus on abilities and conceptions of quality expressed through views on the progression of dance knowledge.
EN
The message about Katyn graves announced by Germans in April 1943 became a beginning of the great political and propaganda battle. The struggle for convincing the public opinion to the own vision of the murder on Polish officers actually took in all countries which competent services reached of Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union. Poles conscious of it which the most cared about the truth, were both for you being an expatriate then and remaining for you under the German occupation. Scandinavian countries were in a circle of states subjected to a publicity campaign of Berlin, for which it was a purpose as biggest publicizing the Katyn case. They belonged to them both occupied Denmark and Norway, as well as allied Finland. Special whereas Goebbels devoted the attention to neutral Sweden. The article is analyzing attitudes political changes and propaganda in Scandinavian countries towards the Katyn massacre.
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