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EN
The text takes up the subject of obscure issues of Polish syndicalism of 1926-1935. Gathered around Jerzy Szurig and Kazimierz Zakrzewski syndicalists derived from socially radical 'zeta' movement, which had been connected with democratic irredenta since the end of 19th century. The impulse that caused this small environment become active was the May Revolution. Similar to all advocates of Józef Pilsudski syndicalists welcomed the come back of Marshal to power with huge hope, however, their understanding of the situation differed greatly from substantial majority of the then presented opinions. Triumph of the 'May Revolution' was for Szurig, Zakrzewski and their political friends apparent proof of bankruptcy of a liberal-democratic model, final termination of degenerate 'party state' and readable signal saying that capitalism in Poland lived through its last days. At the same time syndicalists argued that logical consequence of May 1926 events should have been the realization of a no-class vision based on labour unions and super powerful Poland of Labour. In 1926-1935 syndicalistic environment situating itself on the left-wing side of 'Sanacja' took up numerous propaganda and organizational actions aiming at pushing through postulated concepts. The effects of these efforts appeared miserable. With time syndicalists evaluated processes taking place in the 'May camp' more and more negatively, at the same time, however, avoiding questioning Pilsudski's actions as such. Syndicalistic activists perceived in a person of former Commander of Legions and State Governor a factor still capable of pushing the ruling camp into the right direction by his prestige and respect. Syndicalists seemed not to realize the fact that the project of a society of free manufacturers, where labour unions would be the basis of the state system, had never been even considered by Pilsudski. After Marshal's death in May 1935, joining opposition by Szurig and Zakrzewski group was just a question of time.
EN
The term syndicalism appeared at the end of the nineteenth century and was assimilated by the revolutionary fraction of the union movement in France. With time it also became popular in other countries, especially in Italy and Spain. The characteristic features of the syndicalistic doctrine in the discussed period are as follows: 1) anticapitalistic attitude combined with the belief that the unions will play the basic role not only in the rebuilding of the political system but also in the society of the future; 2) the thesis that the future of the world depends on the results of the class struggle conveyed on economic grounds; 3) activism, voluntarism, glorification of spontaneous activities; 4) rejection of the party model in political activities, criticism of the liberal-democratic system. Contrary to the widely spread - also nowadays - opinions, syndicalism has never been a homogeneous movement. Side by side with the dominating revolutionary stream, aiming at the liquidation of the state, with time the movement gave rise to a reformist current. The 'golden years' of syndicalism ended with the outbreak of World War I. The causes of such a state of affairs are complex and they should not be explained by the simple statement that the movement was losing its impact for the benefit of the growing influence of communism and fascism.
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