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EN
Muslim presence in Europe is an uneven and unfinished process. Muslim minority is visibly divided between supporters of the moderate, liberal version of Islam and the followers of radical version – Salafism, which is calling to make an effort to restore the meaning of Islam. The advantage wins Muslim fundamentalism. It is internally diverse divided into the following trends: political Salafism, which organises its activities around a political logic, the second is predicative Salafism, which bases its actions on preaching and religious teachings (da’wah), and finally revolutionary, jihadi Salafism. This is a challenge to the European security, as well to Muslims, whose unity (ummah) is disrupted. In the European Islam there is a war over the control of the community.
EN
One of the results of the Arab Spring, both in Egypt and Tunisia, was rise in popularity of the ultraconservative Salafi movement. Despite one-sided media coverage, Salafists cannot be equated only with violence, because the vast majority of its members have taken a quietist approach rejecting not only violence, but any form of political commitment. This does not change the fact, however, that due to the doctrine adopted by Salafists, the boundary between quietism and political activity, and finally the use of violence is not clearly defined. It means that members of the movement, who previously declared themselves to be apolitical, can easily decide to engage in radical actions. The aim of this article is to draw attention to the ideological roots of Salafism, its internal divisions with regard to political commitment, and to analyse the development of the Salafi movement in Egypt and Tunisia before and after Arab Spring. It will also attempt to assess the possible development of this movement in the near future.
EN
The paper is focused on the mechanisms and manifestations of Moroccan jihadism in Spain. It analyses how fighting Salafist radicalism from Mahgreb emerged in Spain and how it created challenges and threats for the security of the country. Europe has become one of the key fields of battle in the global war on jihadist terror. Today, in the age of decentralized terrorism, Al‑Qaeda is seen as a symbol of extremism legitimizing the use of violence by religious references. Jihadist ideology inspires the phenomenon of home‑grown terrorism in many European countries. The paper shows the background of the activity of some radical groups and movements in Morocco and then explains the ways it came to Spain. Moroccan jihadists played an increasingly important role in the activity of different Salafist cells in Spain. The article analyses the causes of the bomb attack carried out on 11 March 2004 in Madrid, which constituted an expression of open forms of terrorism, and the forms and factors of jihadist radicalism over the following years. It shows the links of the Moroccan Salafist movement with Islamic immigrant communities in Spain.
EN
The Arab Spring created a new image of North Africa. Old conflicts were replaced by new ones. The best example of these changes was the renewal of the Sufi Salafi clash. It can be viewed not only as the result of the reinforcement of fundamentalist tendencies but also, and most of all, as a sudden rise of political Salafism. The Sufi Salafi conflict has been present for some time in the history of North Africa. However, after the Arab Spring, it became more violent. The earlier war of words, both written and spoken, was transformed into a real one, during which many Sufi zawiyas were destroyed. However, the sudden rise of political Salafism also led to a consolidation and an elicitation of Sufis that started building up political alliances in order to protect the rights of their community. The Sufi Salafi relations in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya will not follow the Sudanese casus, where the charismatic personality of Hassan al-Turabi helped in normalizing relations, without a further escalation of conflict. The failing of the political Salafism usually leads to further radicalization of the jihadi Salafism. It is highly possible that in future, especially if political Salafi organizations lose their influence, we will witness more acts against the Sufis and their places of worship.
Afryka
|
2017
|
issue 45
59-76
EN
The paper presents the political thought of Muhammad Yusuf, who was the ideologist of the northern Nigerian organisation for Islamic renewal known as Boko Haram. Muhammad Yusuf was a Salafi scholar who preached the necessity to revive the earliest form of Islam, to introduce Sharia in full in northern Nigeria, and to build a religious state based on the Sokoto caliphate. Yusuf regarded democracy as an illegal political system and equated it with polytheism. He perceived politicians and secular state’s administrational workers as idolaters and negated their right to consider themselves Muslims. His teachings, based on disdain for the incumbent government, provided him with social support and served as inspiration for anti-establishment sentiments.
EN
In the paper I present the tradition of military Jihad in northern Nigeria, proving that it has deeply affected the activities of a terrorist organisation known as Boko Haram. The history of Islamic reform thought in the region has its roots in the 15th century. Moreover, Usman dan Fodio’s Fulani Jihad played crucial role in shaping ideas about Islamic revival in these territories, including the teachings of Muhammad Yusuf, as well as recent military activities of Boko Haram.
PL
W artykule omówiona została tradycja zbrojnego dżihadu w północnej Nigerii. Po uwagach wstępnych zarysowano początki muzułmańskiej myśli reformatorskiej w tym regionie. Zaprezentowano również dziewiętnastowieczny dżihad Usmana dan Fodio oraz zamieszki samozwańczego proroka Maitatsine w Kano w 1980 roku. Na tle tak zarysowanej tradycji dżihadystycznej w północnej Nigerii przedstawiono następnie najnowszą aktywność militarną Boko Haram.
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PL
Radykalizacja pod sztandarami Państwa Islamskiego nie jest wyłączną domeną muzułmanów z krajów Bliskiego Wschodu, a nawet muzułmanów jako takich. Na terenach Syrii i Iraku walczy dziś przeszło 30 tys. zagranicznych bojowników z 86 państw, w tym 5 tys. Europejczyków. Są wśród nich zarówno reprezentanci drugiego i trzeciego pokolenia europejskich muzułmanów, jak i zachodni konwertyci na islam, przedstawiciele klasy niższej, średniej i wyższej, młodzi mężczyźni i młode kobiety. Tak wielka różnorodność profili europejskich dżihadystów wymaga rozpoznania wielości przyczyn i wzorów radykalizacji młodych Europejczyków. Zrozumienie fenomenu popularności radykalnej ideologii dżihadyzmu wymaga także rozpoznania uwarunkowań kulturowych, społecznych i ekonomicznych tego zjawiska. Ostatnie zamachy terrorystyczne w Paryżu i Brukseli dowodzą, że kraje europejskie mają powody obawiać się powrotu zaprawionych w boju radykałów.
EN
Radicalization under the banner of the Islamic State is not an exclusive domain of the Muslims from the Middle East, or even Muslims as such. On the territory of Syria and Iraq there are over thirty thousand of foreign fighters from eighty-six countries, including five thousand Europeans. The latter group embraces both the representatives of the second and third generation of the European Muslims, as well as the Western, Islamic proselytes, members of the middle, lower and upper class, both young men and women. Such a variety of the European jihadists demands the recognition of the multitude of causes and patterns of the radicalization of the young Europeans. Understanding of the phenomenon and popularity of the radical ideology of jihadism also calls for investigation of the social, cultural, and economic conditioning of this process. Moreover, the recent terrorist attacks in Paris and Brussels prove there is a reason for the European countries to fret the return of the seasoned radical fighters.
EN
Within two years of intense activity, the Islamic State has grown to become the most dangerous Islamic terrorist organization, able to administer a quasi-state, established by it in Syria and Iraq. The success of the Islamic State became possible due to the well- organized propaganda. The idea of a state governed by the principles of Sharia law also seduced Islamic radicals in: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Albania, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia. Islamic radicalism in the Balkans developed during the civil war of 1992-1995 in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was due to thousands of mujahedeen fighting on the side of the Bosnian army and Arab charity organizations that the Salafist ideology was distributed before spreading among the young generation of Bosnian and Kosovar Muslims, disappointed with socio-political processes after the war. Following the attacks on the World Trade Center, Bosnian Salafists limited their activities to sharing their ideology in selected mosques. The emergence of the Caliphate and the war in Syria and Iraq gave a new impulse to the continuation of the Holy War in the Middle East and reinvigorated fundamentalists in the Balkans. The Balkan Daesh militants, trained in Bosnian and Kosovar villages, are fighting in Syria and Iraq. They move freely between the Middle East and the Balkans. Trained in the techniques of guerrilla warfare and carrying out their activities underground, they pose a real threat to the communities to which they return. They participate in the preparation of terrorist attacks in Europe.
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