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EN
This article attempts to examine the problem of friendship as it was understood by Seneca in his letters sent to Lucillus. The author scrutinizes the main items in the philosopher’s autobiography to investigate the influence of the events from Seneca’s biography in the shaping of the opinions of the thinker. Lucillus, the addressee of the letters, was actually Seneca’s long-time friend and confidant. The issue of friendship has a long and rich tradition of its own in the antique times. This particular relationship between human beings was of much interest to Plato, Aristotle, Epicurus, Cicero and many others. Seneca does not venture into an attempt at creating a vision for coherent science related to friendship. What he does though is to furnish a vast array of thoughts concerning such questions as: who is worthy of friendship, why is it worth having a friend and what forms the basis for friendship? Strangely enough, these establishments made by Seneca somehow seem to be more close to us than those in which the philosopher constructs the image of a superhuman wise man, a stoic.
EN
Roman stoics consider that having children was occasion to be happy.
EN
The present paper investigates the relevance of structural and intertextual information for an interpretation of Votum z Seneki dla Jegomości Pana Chorążego Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego by Jan Andrzej Morsztyn. Placing both the structural and intertextual properties of the text against a wider context of the literary practices of the period, of the contemporaneous philosophical discussions and tendencies, as well as philological discussions of relevant hypotexts, allows one, it is argued, to uncover at least two distinct, although closely intertwined, layers of irony and scepticism in Morsztyn’s piece.
EN
Justice is one of the most important features in the government of the State. The Roman philosopher and politician Seneca wrote much about it. Seneca wanted the sovereigns to be philosophers as it was in the old days, the golden age. Good laws were always created by wise men like Solon or Licurg. It is the love of virtue that forms righteous men and helps them to deal with changing fortune. Pride and terror do not assure the power of the rulers in the future. Many bad sovereigns like Dionysius of the Syracuse, Alexander the Great, Pompey or Caesar, who brought many disasters on people, had themselves experienced the fatal results of power. Somebody's ill luck will never bring happiness to anyone.
Vox Patrum
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2002
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vol. 42
233-252
IT
L'articolo e stato diviso in tre parti. Nella prima parte sono stati presentati gli interventi dei entrambi autori a proposito delle qualita negative, le quali dovrebbe evitare la madre, per es.: perenne iagnanze, invidia, vanita, esagerata preoccupazione delle cose materiali, l'istigare al adulterio. Agostino a differenza di Seneca prima di tutto meteva in risalto una importante questione secondo la quale il Dio e la sua legge dovrebbe essere il fondamento delle regole del comportamento dell'uomo. Come l'espressione di questo, e stato negativo per intero giudizio dell'aborto, al quale nei certi casi permetteva Seneca. La seconda parte dell'articolo contiene il giudizio positivo dei comportamento della madre. Su questo argomento anzitutto si pronunciava Seneca, il quale ha lodato delle madri le quali hanno curato delle virtu, avevano il giusto l'atteggiamento verso le cose materiali e inoltre hanno osservato le normi morali a cui faceva anche caso Agostino. Invece nella terza parte sono state presentate le relazioni fra madre e bambino correttamente comprese. Madre la quale ama il proprio figlio si preoccupa non soltanto dei beni materiali, ma anche dei morali per lui, dando proprio l'esempio della giusta condotta. L'amore della madre verso il figlio non dovrebbe emarginare l'amore verso il Dio su cui ha richiamato l'attenzione Agostino. Seneca in confronto di Agostino, ha dedicato molta attenzione al dolore della madre dopo la perdita del bambino, cercando, con aiuto della argomentazione presa dalla filosofia platonica e stoica ed anche con molte indicazioni pratiche, di mostrare dei modi aiutanti nel superare questo dolore. Gli entrambi autori sono stati convinti che il positivo comportamento della madre verso il figlio dimostra la sua propria e grande carita. Peró, su questo argomento si hanno manifestato le certe differenze fra i nostri autori poiche Agostino ha legato l'amore materno della madre verso il figiio con l'amore di Dio verso l'uomo, Seneca invece, l'ha situato nei relazioni puramente umani.
EN
The author of this article discusses the question to what extent Lucius Annaeus Seneca – born in Hispania, and today exceptionally venerated in this country as a precursor of the “Spanish” mentality – felt he belonged to this land, and to what extent his feelings towards it were expressed in his writings. An analysis of his creative output leads to the conclusion that he felt little affection for the land of Hispania, since in his writings there are almost no references to it, and perhaps the only trace of his connection with his native country is his youthful epigram Ad Cordubam, in which, however, he shows more warmth towards himself than towards the city. The perceived lack of any more significant declarations of “Spanish” nationality, however, does not so much testify to his pettiness as to his stoic distance from the ethnic and political barriers that divide the community of mankind that constitutes a whole for him.
EN
Cassandra is a peculiar female character in ancient mythology and literature. She appears as early as Homer’s epic, and then incidentally in Aeneid. A would-be lover of Apollo, seer, doomed to disbelief, concubine of Agamemnon, and killed with him on their arrival to Mycenae, she is tragic and it is the tragedy, where she is presented most fully, i.e. in plays by Aeschylus, Euripidesand Seneca. However, her personality traits are so poorly determined that it leaves room for the authors’ actions organising her profile anew. Andso, in Aeschyluss he is a prophetess of her impending death, but she does not try to defend herself. In Seneca, she relates what is covered from spectators’ eyes. She happens to be the symbol of reconciliation, but in Euripides’ Helen she personifies the element of revenge. She is Apollo’s medium, and at the same time she apparently discredits his prophetic power since she was able to cheat him on some occasions. Her attitude towards Agamemnon is vague, because she bemoans his death the same way Helen, whom she hates, mourns Hector’s death. Only the Greek Troades provides an opinion on the beauty of the prophetess. Afterall, Helenand Cassandra’s fatesare mysteriously intertwined. We have the right to suppose that Clytaemestra’s calling Cassandraa female swan is not accidental, although it formally seems to refer to her stage “muteness”.
Verbum Vitae
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2012
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vol. 21
205-239
EN
The article consists of four parts. The first part presents the educational process evaluated by Seneca and Augustine. Then their opinion about the educational environment is examined. The third part explains the educational aims such as religious, moral and intellectual upbringing developed in the writings of Seneca and Augustine. At the end the educational methods of both authors are depicted.
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Nuda a wstręt. Przesyt, ennui i wstręt do życia

58%
PL
"Artykuł przedstawia powiązania pomiędzy emocjami wstrętu i nudy. W tym celu wykorzystane zostały ustalenia psychologii emocji (w tym psychologii ewolucyjnej), powiązania językowe oraz wątki literackie i filozoficzne. Związek pomiędzy nudą a wstrętem pokazany został na dwóch wzajemnie się uzupełniających i przeplatających poziomach: odczucia przesytu oraz wstrętu do świata i samego siebie, w tym w swojej najradykalniejszej formie, czyli wstrętu do samej egzystencji. W artykule wykorzystane zostały koncepcje taedium vitae, ennui oraz mdłości Jeana-Paula Sartre’a.
EN
This article presents the connections between the emotions of disgust and boredom. For this purpose, the author refers to the findings of psychology of the emotions (including evolutionary psychology), linguistic connections, and literary and philosophical ideas. The relationship between boredom and disgust is shown on two complementary and interconnected levels: the feeling of oversatiation, and disgust for the world and one’s self – including its most radical form, disgust for existence itself. The article makes use of Jean-Paul Sartre’s concepts of taedium vitae, ennui, and nausea.
EN
The present article gives a rough outline of Lucan’s use of alliteration by attempting to discover the most important functions of this particular rhetorical device in the Pharsalia. For the sake of clarity, the instances of alliteration that are found in the Pharsalia are divided into three groups: ‘pure’ (of one and the same consonant), ‘mixed’ (of two or more consonants) and ‘combined’ (accompanied by other rhetorical devices). Lucan’s use of alliteration is shown to extend far beyond the achievement of an instantaneous sound effect at the level of a single line or even a single passage. In several cases, alliteration is used as a means of association in order to allow the poet to connect passages that would seem to have nothing in common. This in turn leads to the conclusion that Lucan’s compositional scheme – based on allusions and association – is present even at the level of the phoneme.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł stanowi analizę pierwszych wersów Farsalii Lukana (1, 1–7) oraz zawartych w nich ewidentnych nawiązań do Agamemnona i Thyestesa Seneki. Autorka dowodzi w nim, że liczne zbieżności leksykalne pomiędzy omawianym passusem a owymi dwiema tragediami nie ograniczają się jedynie do ogólnych nawiązań służących retorycznemu uwypukleniu i tak oczywistego faktu, że podobnie jak mityczny konflikt między Atreusem i Thyestesem, rzymska wojna domowa jest również wojną bratobójczą. Okazuje się bowiem, że aluzje do utworów Seneki na początku Farsalii pełnią bardzo istotną funkcję konstrukcyjną: łączą księgi pierwszą oraz siódmą (centralną dla poematu), jednocześnie ustanawiając subtelną, lecz wyrazistą paralelę pomiędzy nefas dokonanym przez Juliusza Cezara poprzez „uśmiercenie” Republiki, a nefas jako morderstwa popełnionego przez Atreusa na małoletnich bratankach. Dzięki temu zestawieniu bitwa pod Farsalos, przedstawiona przez poetę jako funus mundi, jawi się jako nie mityczna, lecz jak najbardziej rzeczywista „uczta Thyestesa”.
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