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EN
The implementation of socialism in North Korea required the large-scale involvement of women in economic relations. In order to align the rights of women and men in social life, the government pursued a policy of gender equality, conducting extensive advocacy among the female population aimed at a transformation of the understanding of women’s social roles and the nature of femininity. In the original context of women being encouraged to be workers and passionate contributors to the construction of the socialist state, the traditional stance on women as caring mothers and wives was supplemented with internationalist rhetoric on womanhood. However, with the transition to the Juche-oriented socialism, the discourse on women was modified, increasing the emphasis on motherhood and childrearing and reducing internationalism. Based on an analysis of the women’s magazine The Korean Woman (Joseon Nyeoseong), the present study analyses discourses on motherhood and childrearing in 21st century North Korea. The preliminary results of the research show that, while motherhood remains an essential component of the discourse on women, it is formulated in terms of building a powerful socialist state.
EN
The text presents an analytical overview of the results of ethnological research on the era of socialism conducted in Slovakia after 1989. It mainly describes the projects within which this research was carried out and the applied methodological approaches. It classifies the research results by thematic area and includes references to relevant academic publications. The text also mentions the academic discourse that resulted in several studies and themes. For the sake of comprehensiveness, basic projects, considerable museum activities, and audio-visual outcomes are mentioned, which provide knowledge about everyday life in socialism.
EN
This study aims to provide a comprehensive examination of the phenomenon of samizdat periodicals in Slovakia. It provides a definition of the term and presents the history of samizdat with a focus on social and historical context. As part of a detailed examination of samizdat publications, the paper deals with topics such as circulation, authorship, audience, as well as technical issues related to production – from the acquisition of paper, printing technologies or forms of distribution, circulation or periodicity, to editing and content. The study also examines the attitudes on samizdat of the official Catholic Church structures, i.e. the Vatican, as well as local government authorities.
PL
Festiwal filmowy w Puli zasługuje na miano największego święta jugosłowiańskiej kinematografii, był bowiem przedsięwzięciem o niekwestionowanym prestiżu artystycznym i dużym znaczeniu społecznym oraz politycznym. W przekonaniu komunistycznych władz kraju z Josipem Brozem Titą na czele dobrze propagował ideę jugosłowiańskiej wspólnoty kulturowej i świadczył o nowoczesności socjalistycznego państwa. Dla mieszkańców Puli i jej okolic stanowił z kolei najatrakcyjniejszą masową imprezę, która ze względu na swój rozmach oraz ogólnokrajową i międzynarodową sławę zbliżała jugosłowiańską prowincję ze światem. Nagłaśniając artystyczne osiągnięcia rodzimej kinematografii, pulski festiwal akcentował wewnętrzne zróżnicowanie krajowej kultury, jako że prezentowane na nim filmy pochodziły z kilku jugosłowiańskich republik, odmiennych pod względem narodowym, kulturowym i językowym.
EN
The film festival in Pula deserves to be called the greatest feast of Yugoslavian cinematography, as it was an undertaking of unquestionable artistic prestige and of great social and political significance. In the opinion of the communist authorities of the country including Josip Broz Tito, it promoted the idea of the Yugoslav cultural community and reflected the modernity of the socialist state. For the inhabitants of Pula and its surroundings, it was the most attractive mass event, which due to its momentum and national and international fame brought the Yugoslavian province closer to the world. By publicizing the artistic achievements of local cinema, the Pula festival emphasized the internal diversity of the country’s culture, as the films presented were from several Yugoslav republics, and differed in terms of nation, culture and language.
Nowa Krytyka
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2017
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issue 38
217 – 234
EN
Report from The Second International Conference on Marxism and Socialism in the 21st Century, Wuhan, China.
EN
Several scientific teams were formed in Czechoslovakia in the second half of the 1960s one of which, focused upon politological analysis of the Czechoslovak socialistic system, was lead by Zdeněk Mlynář. The article strives mainly to reconstruct proceedings of this scientific team by virtue of preserved archive sources from library collections of the Academy of Science that have not been made use of essentially so far as for the historiography dedicated to Mlynář’s work. At the same time Mlynář’s career strategy is being analysed whose scientific activity was by and by suppressed by his employment of the politician-professional. That is the reason why no monumental collective treatise has been left behind by this team contrary to other domestic scientific teams. There is also only a small number of published journal studies; that is why this article has focused primarily upon a reconstruction of the theme range of colloquia that were held within the research project.
EN
The paper deals with the so-called Šik’s reform in Czechoslovakia in the 1960s – its origin, implementation and consequences. After the critique of theoretical basis of the reform using the multidisciplinary approach of Austrian school, the paper formulates conclusions on the importance of this reform process. The results of the analysis are then examined in a wider context of the 1960s. The emphasis is put on the social, cultural and political development of this period. Combining the economic theory and history, the results of the thesis do not only contribute to the explanation of the consequences of the reform, but also to the theoretical debate on the implementation of socialism and its reformability.
EN
The article focuses on the development of Czech political economy (economics) in the 1970’s and 1980’s. It examines the texts of professional economists and analyses new theoretical paradigms they were using after the 1960’s analytical categories of market socialism had been pushed out of the official expert discussion. It identifies the 1980’s expert group, formed around the seminars at the State bank with Václav Klaus as one of the main organizers, as an important intellectual milieu where a new language of critique of the socialist economy was created. The new approaches, based largely on microeconomics, enabled their adherents to imagine alternative economic policies, different to the alternatives presented by their predecessors in the 1960’s, and prepared them for embracing even radical ideas such as privatization of state assets OPEN ACCESS 88 WISOHIM/ESHP 29 (something unheard of in the previous decades). Such development was possible also because of the limited capability of the state’s security apparatus to effectively control the experts’ professional activities.
EN
A spectre is haunting Europe: The Korčula Summer School as a freethinking island and space for dialogue The Korčula Summer School and the journal Praxis associated with it occupy an important place on the map of Yugoslav intellectual history in the nineteen-sixties and seventies. Philosophers, sociologists and representatives of other professions considered the issues of Socialism, revolution, the idea of self-government. These direct contacts with Western intellectuals were not only an important contribution to the Yugoslav philosophical thought, but also constituted an input to the contemporary Western intellectual life.The aim of the article is to present the complex inter-institutional and interpersonal network by which the Yugoslav achievements of the so-called Praxis group became part of the European heritage. In this way, studying wandering ideas shows the Yugoslav culture to be not only receptive, but also creative and innovative. Widmo krąży po Europie. Korczulańska Szkoła Letnia jako wyspa wolnego myślenia i przestrzeń dialogu Na mapie jugosłowiańskiej historii intelektualnej istotne miejsce zajmują Korczulańska Szkoła Letnia (Korčulanska ljetna škola) i związane z nią czasopismo „Praxis”. W ich ramach filozofowie i socjologowie, a także przedstawiciele innych profesji, w latach 60. i 70. XX wieku podejmowali refleksję nad zagadnieniem socjalizmu, rewolucji, idei samorządności. Ożywione kontakty z zachodnimi intelektualistami stanowiły nie tylko istotny wkład w lokalną myśl intelektualną, ale także promieniowały na świat zachodni, gdzie również były dyskutowane i rozwijane.Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie licznych i skomplikowanych sieci międzyinstytucjonalnych i międzyludzkich, dzięki którym jugosłowiański dorobek filozoficzny tzw. grupy Praxis, stał się częścią dziedzictwa europejskiego. W ten sposób badanie idei wędrownych pokazuje, że kultura jugosłowiańska miała nie tylko charakter receptywny, ale także generowała idee istotne dla Europy Zachodniej.
EN
The study deals with narrative representations of the past of the Slovak city of Nová Dubnica that was built on a green-field land in the 1950s as an “exemplary socialist city” to accommodate workers of the engineering plant in Dubnica nad Váhom. While interpreting research data within the theoretical framework of collective memory, the author addresses memories of the first and long-term residents (60 years old and older) who look back on their life in the city in the 1950s−1980s. Based on ethnographic research, it was (1) industrial plant and work, (2) city construction, and (3) family and social life that were identified as major areas of narrative representations. These areas feature similar contents of individual interpretations of the past, and their intersection is formed by themes that can be qualified as the above-mentioned group’s collective memory of the life in Nová Dubnica in the past. Collective memory, as a socially conditioned category, is formed in Nová Dubnica, among other things, by important factors − regular events (celebrations of the foundation of the city, lantern parade) and mutual meetings of seniors. The study is to present Nová Dubnica as a “place of memory”, which shapes the inhabitants’ ideas about the past and which is also formed by local memories of the years of the socialist regime.
EN
The increasingly critical situation of the Jewish minority and the bankruptcy of the previously dominant political orientations within the Jewish community created a new set of opportunities for a group, the General Jewish Workers’ Alliance, or Bund which had played only a marginal role in both Polish and Jewish politics between 1920 and 1935. The growing strength of the Bund was clearly evident in the municipal elections of late 1938 and early 1939 which saw it emerge as the largest Jewish party in towns such as Warsaw, Łódź, Vilna and Białystok. This article seeks to evaluate the Bund’s reaction to its heightened importance in Jewish politics in Poland.
EN
This article provides an overview of the Bund from the establishment of its precursor organization in 1890 until World War I. First it takes into account the historical conditions that led to the rise of a distinct Jewish socialist movement in the Russian Empire to then focus on its three spheres of activity: (a) economic difficulties, as a Jewish workers’ movement engaged in union-organizing and strikes, (b) political challenges, as a Jewish revolutionary movement working to overthrow the Tsarist system and (c) national obstacles, as a movement fighting for Jewish civil rights and Jewish national autonomy, the advancement of Yiddish language and culture, and the organisation of Jewish self-defense against pogroms. Appended to the article is the translation of an early Bundist pamphlet, The Town Preacher (1895), which presents the movement’s ideas in a simple, popular form, based on the story of the single strike of Jewish tobacco-workers in Vilna.
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2018
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vol. 40
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issue 1
71-103
EN
In order to provide the necessary background for the discussion on Marx’s and Dostoevsky’s conception of socialism we delineate a brief history of the French Revolution. Then, we analyze the social conditions of the proletariat and how socialism is defined for both thinkers as a mainly economic doctrine. Later, socialism’s theological question is discussed. We point out how Marx and Dostoevsky defend the thesis that religion is socialism’s first target. To that end, we refer to the Marxist concepts of “alienation” and “emancipation” and Dostoevsky’s predicted union of Catholicism with socialist ideals as it is exemplified in The Great Inquisitor. Finally, Marx’s and Dostoevsky’s conception of man is explained, showing how the materialistic interpretation of the human being realized by Marx is radically rejected by Dostoevsky. Likewise, it is exposed the scientific and violent nature of socialism. As a conclusion, we summarize the main similarities and differences between Marx and Dostoevsky and we treat the question about their prophetic character in relation to the socialist movement in Russia, and particularly to the Russian Revolution of 1917.
EN
Departing from the notion of the “making of a socialist type of personality”, the article traces out an unparalleled, comparative analysis of the female image as it has been fashioned during the post-war period by the Soviet magazine “Krestjanka” (“Peasant”, founded in 1922) and by its Polish counterpart “Przyjaciółka” (“Friend”), established in 1948. In particular, it analyses the shift from the highly recognizable roles Soviet ideologists were pleading for by dividing women between “workers” and “peasants” (as synthesized by the very titles of the two most popular female periodicals in the USSR) to a more complex image of “friend”. In the People’s Republic of Poland (PRL) ideological propaganda went along with the attempt to give voice to women themselves. In this perspective letters addressed by the readers to the editorial board became a main feature of the magazine itself, turning it into a discussion platform which played an essential role in overcoming of the trauma of war.
EN
Dance parties constitute a field that concisely reflected the processes of modernization and urbanization of the Czech countryside in the 1970s and 1980s. Dance parties can also be perceived as places that have maintained their stable position in the hierarchy of values and ideas accepted by local inhabitants, which are, among other things, associated with the viability of their own community. This was possible due to the symbolic function of dance parties – phenomena with symbolic significance are endowed with high adaptability to changes. The stable significance of dance parties for a community can be exemplified by discussions conducted in the fields of space, generations, and power. These discussions understand dance parties as a subject based on which ideas about the ability of a community to function are communicated. The symbolic function of dance parties is the reason their existence is not called into question. This paper is based on doctoral field research, which was carried out in two different locations – in a small rural town facing more intensive processes of modernization and in two rural municipalities (everything though is set in a wider regional context).
EN
This paper discusses the tourism in places in connection with “class struggle” during the era of state socialism in Czechoslovakia. During the time of economic crisis in the 1930s, there were some incidents between gendarmerie and striking workers in the areas of high unemployment. These events were misused in the propaganda as legitimization of the Communist Party’s leading role after the 1948 revolution. These places of “class struggle” were privileged in hierarchy of heritage preservation during the communist era (1948–1989). The author focuses on sources connected with tourism (guidebooks, maps) and raises the question if historical agents and society adopted these places. The methodological remarks are an important part of the paper.
EN
The mobilisation caused a great social mobility in the Maghreb countries that had never been seen before. More than two hundred thousand men participated in the war operations, and almost a hundred and fifty thousand went to work in the metropolitan factories. They have discovered a new world: a more egalitarian society than that of their country. They were influenced by new ideologies: nationalism, Pan-Islamism, bolshevism, and Wilson’s 14 points. The contact with the workers’ world transformed them into thinking beings – says one of their spokesmen, El Emir Khaled. The author presents the activities of Charles-André Julien (1891–1991), a social-communist militant (in 1924 he left the Communist Party) describing the awakening to self-consciousness of the Maghrebis (the “natives”) and the realization of their national and social situation. This militant, and later prominent historian of the Maghreb, contributed a lot to making the colonial problem an important matter in French political life at the beginning of the 1920s.
EN
The National Electoral Committee of Democratic Parties was created in December 1918. It gathered together parties and communities of nationalist, conservative and Christian Democratic character. The election campaign for the Constituent Sejm, carried out by the candidates of the bloc, was dominated by two topics. The first concerned a loss of the independence by Poland as a result of instilling Bolshevik values in Polish society. The second was concentrated on an alleged subversive activity of the Jewish minority, against the newly re-established state. Arguments of this kind, with the lack of political culture and owing to agitation by some Catholic clergy in support of the National Electoral Committee of Democratic Parties, convinced the voters. The number of seats won on 26th January 1919 did not allow the representatives of the ideological camp to form a government. However, it enabled them to obstruct the initiatives of the left-wing parties in parliament. It was also a good omen for the future, for the next stages of the election to the House were planned to be carried out in constituencies supporting National Democrats and their allies.
EN
This article attempts to present the question of the co-called transition period, which according to Marxist theoreticians, emerges after the overthrow of capitalism by the workers’ revolution. The main sources for my study are the views of those Marxists who, directly or indirectly, participated in the three “great debates” about socialist economics (calculation debate, debates about planning in the Soviet Union and in revolutionary Cuba). To present how Marxism describes the question of Post-capitalist reality, I rely on the writings of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Leon Trotsky and Ernest Mandel, and I try to create an outline of social-economic model. Description, which emerged from writings of the aforementioned authors, presents a society based on workers’ democracy in the workplace (economic) and state (political) levels and democratic planning, whose aim is to satisfy the needs. Such a description of the Post-capitalist society is radically different from the reality of the Stalinist bureaucratic regimes.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł jest próbą przybliżenia problematyki „okresu przejściowego”, jaki zdaniem teoretyków marksistowskich, powinien nastąpić po obaleniu kapitalizmu przez rewolucję robotniczą. Podstawowym odniesieniem są dla mnie poglądy, jakie prezentowali marksiści podczas trzech „debat ekonomicznych” na temat „budowy socjalizmu” (debata o kalkulacji, debata o planowaniu w ZSRR i na Kubie po rewolucji). W celu opisu, w jaki sposób marksizm podchodzi do kwestii postkapitalistycznej rzeczywistości, bazowałem głównie na pismach Karola Marksa, Fryderyka Engelsa, Lwa Trockiego i Ernesta Mandela, w oparciu o które próbowałem stworzyć zarys modelu społeczno-gospodarczego. Opis, jaki wyłania się z prac wymienionych autorów, przedstawia społeczeństwo oparte na demokracji robotniczej w miejscu pracy (aspekt ekonomiczny) i na poziomie państwa (aspekt polityczny) oraz planowaniu demokratycznemu, mającemu na celu sukcesywne zaspokajanie oraz bardziej złożonych potrzeb społecznych. Tak opisany model postkapitalistycznego społeczeństwa stanowi radykalnie zaprzeczenie rzeczywistości, jaka istniała w (post)stalinowskich reżimach biurokratycznych.
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