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Challenges for EU in the Middle East: Use of Soft Power

100%
Bayir O. E.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2016
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vol. 2
9-19
EN
In this paper, I will attempt to analyze the policies and strategies of the EU towards the Middle East in the context of using soft power. Two main issues need to be questioned in this framework: 1) Can EU use soft power instruments effectively in the Middle East? 2) Is EU’s choice to conduct soft power policy in the Middle East, able to make the EU a leading actor in world politics in terms of struggling with new threats in 21st Century? First of all, I will try to discuss “soft power”, as a concept very briefly. Afterwards,I will focus on the differences between the perspectives and approaches of the United States and the EU on the solutions of the problems in the Middle East. While analyzing EU’s use of soft power in the Middle East, I will not refer the general policies of the EU towards the region. Instead of this, I will focus on the Arab Spring and the signifi cance of the recent movements in the region within the context of our subject. EU aims at creating peace and stability at its borders and prefers political and economic methods instead of military methods and hard power instruments. This paper examines how the EU uses this soft power instruments and what their consequences mean for the main issues in the Middle East. Besides, can this policy of the EU contribute to the solutions the problems, stability and peace in the region? The answers of these questions are very signifi cant within the context of EU’s approach to the Middle East, because of several reasons such as; course of the developments in the region, future success of European foreign and security policy and the role that EU is aiming for: ensuring its position as a global actor in world politics. and what their consequences mean for the main issues in the Middle East. Besides, can this policy of the EU contribute to the solutions of the problems, stability and peace in the region? The answers of these questions are very significant within the context of EU’s approach to the Middle East, because of several reasons such as; course of the developments in the region, future success of European foreign and security policy and the role that EU is aiming for: ensuring its position as a global actor in world politics.
2
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Culture, the Core of Soft Power: An Overview of Iran's Cultural Component of Soft Power

100%
Golshanpazhooh M. R., Esfahani M. K.
Hemispheres. Studies on Cultures and Societies
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2014
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vol. 29
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issue 4
79-89
XX
Focusing on relatively successful soft power policy of Iran, the paper has examined ‘culture’ as the cornerstone of Iran’s soft power. The paper argues that the success of Iran’s soft power despite continuous international pressures, economic sanctions and efforts for Iran’s isolation is due to a much stronger and enduring factor which is ‘culture’. The paper considers two pillars for Iran’s cultural structure; the Persian civilization and Islamic culture. These two have been the main driving force which has enforced other components of Iran’s soft power such as economy or foreign policy. The paper has briefly introduced some important attributes of the Iranian culture and provided examples on the use of these components to exert soft power.
3

End of European Soft Power? Implications for EU Foreign Policy

100%
Kugiel P.
The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs
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2017
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issue 1
59-72
EN
Three developments in 2016 led to the EU losing a lot of its soft power, constraining its ability to exert influence on third countries. An evolution in its response to the refugee crisis, rising Euroscepticism and populism in Europe, and the Brexit referendum have all undermined the European project and image of the EU as a political model and global norm-setter. Though the EU still retains much strength, it must rethink how it uses its power, acknowledge the limitations, focus on rebuilding its credibility, and pursue more a pragmatic and modest foreign policy.
4
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Soft Power in the Current Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation: Resources, Possibilities, Limits

100%
Horemuž M.
Security Dimensions: International & National Studies
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2016
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vol. 18(18)
50-77
EN
This paper aims to analyze soft power in the contemporary foreign policy of the Russian Federation. The structure of the present article is based on the basic normative and methodological definition of soft power. The third and also the main part of the text tries through an analytical approach to map and identify resources and real options as well as discern limits of Russia’s current use of soft power.
5
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CUBAN SOFT POWER: FROM REVOLUTIONARY CHARISMA TO SOCIAL DIPLOMACY

100%
DA SILVA M. A., VRECHE C. C., JOHNSON G. A.
Ameryka Łacińska. Kwartalnik analityczno-informacyjny
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2016
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vol. 24
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issue 4(94)
43-61
EN
This article analyzes the international projection of the Cuban Revolution, discussing the contours of its soft power that contributed to international reintegration. After this concept discussing briefly and focusing on the transformation of contemporary international scene, it analyzes the change of use of soft power in the revolutionary process in Cuba. In this sense, it points out that such power was, in the golden years of the Revolution (the 60s and the 70s), based on the revolutionary aura and the charisma of its leaders (Fidel Castro, Che Guevara and others) and that, in the first decade of this century, it acquired new supported contours through the emergence of Social Diplomacy, i.e. cooperation in the field of social services (health, education and sports, among others), thus contributing.
6
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Model bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego XXI w. Od teorii do praktyki.

75%
Żukrowska K.
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
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2015
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issue 1
15-37
EN
The article argues that the current security model was shaped in a long period. It is shown that the system was shaped by the solutions applied after the II WW, what embraces global and regional solutions. Until the end of the Cold War the applied solutions were assigned to two opposite Blocs: Western and Eastern. After 1989, which is considered to be the symbolic turning point and end of the Cold War, part of the states from the former Eastern Bloc, after introducing market and democratic reforms have joined NATO and the EU. This also included three states created after the dissolution of the former SU. The article states also that security in Europe is challenged by attempt to reconstruct the area of Russian influence. At the same time it states that this process is not limited to voluntary access of the former republics of SU but also includes annexation of the territories of sovereign Ukraine. The article illustrates that the contemporary security system is characterized by strong asymmetry of applied solutions. NATO applies liberal, cooperative solutions, while Russia uses solutions build upon force and military potential. This asymmetry and moves undertaken by Russia undermine the solutions introduced by international laws. They resulted introduction of sanctions by the US and EU states, what was followed by some political and military steps, labelled as boost NATO military presence in the NATO states bordering with Russia. The article states that in parallel to Hard Power, NATO and the EU should apply also Soft Power. Solutions applied in Russia follow the feeling of majority people in Russia who experience the trauma of former superpower and its fall. The article describes basic conditions of security system with its global and regional solutions, which create its current determinants. This concerns the level of military spending, economic potential, as well as weight of individual states and their groupings in the world scene.
7
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From Europe to the Arab Peninsula? – Cultural Diplomacy Practices in the United Arab Emirates

75%
Gołębiowski D.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2020
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issue 4
151-173
EN
This paper analyzes the practice of “cultural diplomacy” and “soft power” in the United Arab Emirates in light of previously developed practices in European countries such as France and Germany. These two concepts referred to international relations and invented in the Western world, describe strategies that have been taken up by non-Western governments, either to complement their hard power capacity with its soft equivalent or to fill a gap where hard power is missing. Diverse (especially state) actors in international relations appear convinced that public and cultural diplomacy as an example of soft power, is the most advanced, non-invasive way of conveying a positive image, values, or lifestyle, being at the same time a non-violent means of pursuing national interests. How is the concept of cultural diplomacy applied and facilitated in non-Western countries? Which model of public diplomacy best describes actions undertakenby the Emirati authorities and what are the reason for developing a soft power strategy in the United Arab Emirates (UAE)? This article answers these question s through a comparative analysis of the United Arab Emirates with the examples of France and Germany. It points out the potentialchallenges and opportunities which arise from a non-Western government using a tool of cultural diplomacy by analyzing diverse initiatives undertaken by UAE, including the “Emirati Film Review in Poland”.
8
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Russian smart power in Georgia

62%
Markozashvili L., Dvalishvili T.
Przegląd Politologiczny
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2017
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issue 4
173-188
PL
Rosja zawsze była aktywna militarnie; jednak obecny reżim próbuje połączyć instrumenty siły twardej i miękkiej. Stosunki rosyjsko-gruzińskie charakteryzują napięcia i starcia. Prozachodnia polityka zagraniczna Gruzji powoduje zaniepokojenie Kremla. Pomimo że Federacja Rosyjska ma silną pozycję na Kaukazie, z uwagi na jej obecność wojskową w regionie, polityka stosowania siły inteligentnej uzyskała długotrwałą legitymizację. Takie środowiska jak pro-rosyjskie organizacje pozarządowe, inteligencja kulturowa i duchowieństwo promują pojęcia wspólnej kultury i wspólnych wartości. Podobne promowanie zazwyczaj towarzyszy negatywnej narracji skierowanej ku liberalnemu Zachodowi.
EN
Russia has always been active militarily; however, the current regime attempts to combine hard power with soft power tools. Russian-Georgian relations are wrought with tensions and clashes. The Western-oriented foreign policy of the latter causes worries in the Kremlin. Although the Russian federation has a strong standing in the Caucasus region, prominently due to its military presence there, the smart power policy is enacted to gain long lasting legitimacy. The mediums, such as pro-Russian non-governmental organizations, cultural intelligentsia and the Church clergy, promote the notion of a common culture and shared values. This promotion is usually accompanied by negative narratives directed towards the liberal West.
9
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Smart Power Versus Asymmetry of Using Military Force

51%
Piątek J.
Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego ACTA POLITICA
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2015
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vol. 31
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issue 1
5-26
PL
Źródłem istotnej zmiany ról, funkcji, zadań sił zbrojnych pozostaje w ostatnim czasiedokonująca się dynamicznie zmiana ładu międzynarodowego. W ładzie minionym,w czasach zimnej wojny, znaczenie oraz użyteczność sił zbrojnych nie podlegały dyskusji,były oczywiste i zrozumiale. Zagrożenia i ich struktura były znane w wystarczającymdla racjonalnego przewidywania i planowania czasie. W związku z charakteremzagrożeń dla interesów życiowych całego państwa – od ideologicznych po gospodarcze– nie występowały dylematy dotyczące użycia sił zbrojnych. Jasne i osiągalne były celestawiane przed siłami zbrojnymi. W nowym środowisku międzynarodowym w istocienie wiadomo, jakie interesy powinny być chronione przy państwo; prawie niemożliwestaje się określenie teatrów działań państwa. Dobiega końca kolejny rok tzw. wojnyz terroryzmem. Przedwczesna byłaby próba udzielenia odpowiedzi na postawione pytanie,jak mają wyglądać skuteczne metody działania sił zbrojnych w czasie misji humanitarnych.Podobnie jak trudno opisać wymogi współczesnej walki zbrojnej.
EN
Recently, the ongoing dynamic transformation of the international order has activatedsignificant changes in the roles, functions and tasks of the military. In the erstwhile,Cold War order, the significance and utility of the armed forces were indisputable, obvious and intelligible. Jeopardies and their structures would be recognised at the timesufficient for undertaking any rational actions against them. The character of these jeopardiesranging from ideological to economic influencing vital state interests wouldcause few dilemmas as regards the exercise of the armed forces. The rationale behind thearmed forces was therefore clear and workable. In the new international environment it is far more difficult to recognise which interestsought to be safeguarded by the state, and delineating state activity theatres borderson infeasibility. Another year of the so-called war on terrorism is coming to its close. Anattempt both to provide an answer to the question of the effectiveness of the military’soperational methods utilized during humanitarian missions and to demarcate the responsibilitiesof the contemporary warfare would be untimely.
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