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EN
The main goal of this article is to present the ideas of two polish conservative political parties: Christian National Union and Conservative People’s Party, concerning state reforms. The author of the article outlines the history of both political parties in the 90’s. and indicates the significance of impact that Young Poland Movement, as common source for both political parties, had on them. As far as state reforms are concerned, the author compares the ideas of mentioned political parties and emphasizes these concerning political system, executive power, national economy, public finance system, local government and issue of traditional values. Moreover, the main similar elements and also main differences are being underlined.
EN
This study focuses on analysis of the discourse of solidarity during the current migrant crisis, with special attention paid to the second half of 2015 and the first months of 2016. We start by looking for the sources of the concept of solidarity in the writings of the founding fathers of the European Union and in the existing EU treaties. We then try to decide to what extent the political narratives of the crisis are based on these sources and in what ways they deviate from them or use them in a superficial way. Finally, we verify our research assumptions and offer an overview of the academic debate on the subject.
EN
The aim of the article is to analyse conceptions of government, including the so called self-governing Polish Republic, as presented by the first convention of the NSZZ “Solidarnosc” (Solidarity) and as emerging from the tradition of the left of the October 1956. These conceptions undermined completely the existing political structures in Poland and were based on radical reforms in the sphere of politics and economy which would bring democracy to enterprises as well.
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Imitation is an important factor in the moral development of the human person. Taking on the function of an example or model for others and the corresponding actions of the imitators who conform to those of the external model may be interpreted as an attitude of solidarity. This specific kind of love and service to others obliges people to involvement for the sake of the common good, for the well-being of all and everyone. An important element of this commitment is exhibiting in one’s own behavior authentic values, which take on the stature of an exemplar or model for others. In that way, moral exemplarism is a kind of contribution to the well-being of others and to the common good, as it is a call to participate in the values interiorized by the model. The imitator’s attitude can also be seen as one of solidarity, through which he is able to properly assess the values of the models, and follow only the real ones. In this manner, he can become a responsible participant in society. Openness towards models is a sign of an active presence in community life, which builds up the richness of its members.
EN
A review of "Solidarity and crisis of trust" – a book published by European Centre of Solidarity is a compilation of essays by prominent authors like eg. Marcin Król, Shlomo Avineri, Pierre Manent and Gianni Vattimo.
EN
The article discusses the contexts of contemporary theology as new loci theologici, which have become not only the objectabstr but also the starting point for theological reflection. The article first relates the contexts and the text, and then makes mentions of the Latin American context and the "option for the poor". It demonstrates how this "option for the poor" is received in the European context – the paradigm of evangelization by the theologians K. Bopp, N. Mette and S. Knobloch – and by Pope Francis. Additionally, the article discusses globalization as the context of our time and the related question of "Who is my neighbor?" In conclusion, the article discusses the basic dimensions of Christian and religious fulfillment.
EN
Father dr Władysław Siwek (Society of Jesus) belongs to priests who signed up very clearly in the history of Szczecin and in the memory of its citizens. He worked in the city in the years 1950–1970 (with a break in the years 1955 to 1956, when the monks of the Society of Jesus were expelled by the communist authorities). For 1955, took care of the academic ministry after his return in 1957 he returned to the old duties, and additionally was appointed diocesan chaplain for health professionals. With a thorough education and personal charisma Father Siwek was able to create a strong foundation for independent ideological beliefs of people under his charge. His lasting achieve ment was forming around him a group of people with a clear anticommunist opinion, who in subsequent years were a kind of Catholic elite in Szczecin. These people built the foundations of an “independent society”, contributing to the democratic opposition of the seventies, the eighties and joined the great social movement that led to the downfall of communism in Poland, which was the “Solidarity”. Father Siwek was in 1970 moved to Bydgoszcz religious instruction, and then to Warsaw, where he died on July 16, 1973.
EN
This work is aimed around the perception of values of solidarity in the sermons of St. Thomas of Villanova (1486 –1555). The encyclical letter Deus caritas est of Pope Benedict XVI serves as a methodological base for the identification of solidarity content in the work of St. Thomas of Villanova. The work presents the following questions in preaching in the sixteenth century in Spain: the foundation of solidarity, the role of Christian charity in the solidarity discourse and the formation of solidarity structures. The sermons of St. Thomas of Villanova place an emphasis on internal dialogue and creativity in manifestations of solidarity, which suggests the moral and dynamic perception of solidarity.
EN
Unlike American historians challenging the marginalization of women since the 1970s and theorizing usefulness of gender for history, the majority of Polish historians have been rather reluctant to ad­dress gender differences. The collapse of communism and transatlantic interest in retraditionalization stimulated interdisciplinary engendering of Solidarity. This article examines how significant, though strategically invisible, Solidarity women activists of the 1980s have been represented in oral history, art, and film as well as dialogical genres such as auto/biography and a relational memoir. Questioning of mythical visions of Solidarity, focused on men and class, has initially been resisted, but encouraged a debate about gender stereotypes in Poland. The early “archive fever” followed by a recent surge in transgenerational life writing on women oppositionists exploring gender along with ethnicity, class, and age has helped to construct multi-layered portraits of anti-communist resistance. The analysis of the award-winning documentary, several Solidarity women evaluate critically their complicity with the (post)totalitarian system, may also complicate ultranationalist narratives and fill gaps in postcolonial studies of Central Europe.
EN
The purpose of this paper is an interpretation of the social and political thought of the Solidarity movement in the light of the political philosophy of communitarianism. In the first part of the paper, the controversies between liberalism and communitarianism are characterized in order to outline the communitarian response toward the authoritarian/totalitarian challenge. In the second part, the programme of a self-governing republic created by Solidarity is interpreted in the spirit of communitarianism. I reconstruct the ideal vision of human being expressed in of ficial trade union’s documents and essays of Solidarity’s advisers (e.g., Stefan Kurowski and Jozef Tischner), and the efforts of the movement for telling the truth about history and its vision of Polish history. Also, I interpret the programme of Self-Governing Republic adopted during the First National Convention of Delegates of Solidarity. In these programmatic documents of Solidarity, one may find ideas characteristic both of the communitarian and liberal political philosophy. However, the liberal ones—including, primarily, the guarantee of human and citizens’ rights, and of individual liberties—were subordinated to the postulate of reconstructing the national and social community. In the course of transformation after 1989, these communitarian elements of Solidarity programme, incompatible with liberal ideological agenda, have been erased.
EN
The novel coronavirus pandemic has triggered an economic slowdown worldwide, aggravating those steadily accumulated inequalities in income and wealth redistribution. Western-type capitalism, international cooperation, and European integration have found themselves at risk. This article points out the resemblances and dissimilarities in policies combating the recessions of 2008 and 2020 on both sides of the Atlantic, focusing specifically on the EU and Canada. It assesses the rising popularity of the welfarestate concept applied both to individuals and entire businesses deemed essential for democracy, notably in the EU, for which the protection of citizens’ well-being and solidarity values are at the core of bloc integration. Conceptually confl icting solutions for those crises refl ect a profound shift in policy making, reinforcing state interventions vs the neoliberal approach and intensifying discussions on a universal basic income as a tool in redressing socio-economic inequalities. This paper highlights the need for a trans-disciplinary approach to benefi t policy making.
EN
The experience the „Polish August 1980" was met with an interesting reflection and civic engagement on the part of Józef Tischner. This Cracovian philosopher and Catholic Priest is the author of the book „The Ethics of Solidarity". He introduced the concept of solidarity as a moral bond that occurs between people. Its implementation in times of communist oppression was associated with the concept of „bad policy." Tischner believed that in times of restored democracy (good politics) solidarity ties would be easier in practice, which turned out to be more complex. In the later period of reflection Tischner did not seem to appreciate the socio-political aspects of the ethos of solidarity, which would allow for the active participation of State.
Studia Ełckie
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2020
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vol. 22
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issue 4
401-410
PL
The times of the Second World War led to a deep degradation of human dignity. In addition, the communist decades in Poland also gave the humans lost their dignity, which was associated with numerous abuses of power and violations of human rights. The Primate Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski, who headed the Church in Poland, proposed in the context of the program called ‘The Great Novena’ the religious and moral renewal of Poles. In that way in the years 1957-1965 it was the main aim to prepare people for the celebration of the millennium of the Baptism of Poland. The essence of this program The Great Novena was to rebuild the sense of dignity of the believers who is not afraid to profess and practice his faith, keeping the moral virtues. In this way, the Primate wanted to bring up a “new man” who had a sense of his own dignity, who respected the traditional national values, caring the family life and he is sensitive to other people and common good. In many points the program the Primate was against of the communist policy of that time which breaks the pillars of social life (such as freedom of speech, the right of association, the freedom of conscience, the values of truth and law) and building the new corresponding to the concept of an atheistic socialist state. Thanks to the wide response of the Polish society and the personal involvement of Primate Stefan Wyszynski, the Great Novena program allowed to be strengthen the Catholic Church in Poland, but also brought up the Solidarity generation.
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2010
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vol. 15
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issue 2
367-379
EN
In this paper I want to look at the Holocaust story as an example of a value-laden story which might become one of the foundation stones of the emergent global ethics, indispensable for bridging ideological divides that so often prevent a global society from living in peace and solidarity. My key suggestion will be that the stories that have the potential of becoming truly “global stories,” will in reality become carriers of global values only after undergoing interpretative transformation which will enable all citizens of the global village to identify with ethically positive aspects of the story, so that they will perceive this story as their own.
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Karol Modzelewski

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EN
The article depicts the personage of Karol Modzelewski (1937–2019) the outstanding activist for freedom of Poland, long-term political prisoner, prominent medievalist historian and full member of the Polish Academy of Sciences.
EN
When joining the European integration project, countries declare that they accept the underlying common values and principles, including the principle of solidarity. The migration/refugee crisis has verifi ed the attachment to these principles. As it had happened on many occasions throughout history, in times of crisis national tendencies and interests gain the upper hand and in some countries sensible public debate is replaced by calls for a fight for a European Europe. Poland is one of thesecountries.
EN
The article analyzes the victorious election of Solidarity on 4 June 1989. Władysław Pasikowski, a young Polish director, has shown in the movie Dogs (1992) a metaphor of the 4 June victory, which is analyzed in this article. Other issues from the movie are not presented, neither is the contemporary political situation. Only the contemporary context of the movie is presented. The movie Dogs shows a wide political and cultural background of a political change, probably because Pasikowski is a cultural anthropologist, not only a director. The article consists of three parts. In the first part of the article I present a concept of mythology by Roland Barthes in my own interpretation; I named my interpretation a political mythology. In the second part of the text I explain the phrase “forgotten victory” and discuss the political context “forgetfulness.” In the last part of the article I analyze the movie Dogs. Pasikowski presented a story of a police officer and his community (political police) during transformation in Poland. Pasikowski showed in the film the last days of the People’s Poland, her moral and political downfall. This film gave rise to many voices and commentaries, both positive and disapproving. The film was recognized by victims fighting about liberty as hurtful. Especially, a scene in a policemen canteen was recognized as derogatory. In a few scenes of the movie Pasikowski described the elite of People’s Poland. Pasikowski told a story about the last days of People’s Poland in the context of a crime. Since the movie Dogs, Pasikowski has debated with the Polish Film School and at the same time he has carried on with moral issues of the Polish Film School. He said and showed where the winners of Maciek Chełmicki, the protagonist of the film Popiół i diament (Ashes and Diamonds) of Andrzej Wajda (director) and Jerzy Andrzejewski (writer), are now. Moreover, Pasikowski has discussed in films with Polish right-wing parties and right-wing journalists about the beginning of the Third Republic of Poland.
EN
The Socialist Republic of Croatia, as one of republics of the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, possessed its State Security Service (Služba državne sigurnosti, SDS), equivalent to similar political security services in other communist states. At the Yugoslav level there was also the Federal State Security Service. The State Security of Croatia dealt with both internal and external threats to the communist system and gathered intelligence information. In the early 1980s the State Security of Croatia gathered sizeable amount of information on the events connected with activities of „Solidarity” in the People’s Republic of Poland and the crisis that ultimately led to the imposition of state of war in Poland, as well as reaction to these events in Croatia. The main aim of this paper is to present State Security reports about with Poland in the period between 1980 and 1982.
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EN
Can a theatrical spectacle rectify the greatest neglect of Poland’s post-1989 transformation and create a ‘positive’ founding myth of the ‘Solidarity’? This is the ambition of the musical 1989 produced by a creative team led by Marcin Napiórkowski, Katarzyna Szyngiera, Mirosław Wlekły and Andrzej ‘Wolny’ Webber (co-produced by the Gdansk Shakespeare Theatre and the Juliusz Słowacki Theatre in Krakow). According to the announcements, it was to be the first musical in Poland in the likeness of the American Hamilton, for the first time with entirely rapped vocals, showing the fall of communism from a new perspective and finally giving women their rightful place in the struggle for a free Poland. What captivates the audience is undoubtedly the musical and dance qualities of the performance, but the vision of history presented raises serious questions. A major misunderstanding in 1989 is the complete erasure of the church and the figure of John Paul II from the life of Poles in the 1980s. Furthermore, the diminishing of the role played by Lech Walesa in 1980-1989 is also completely incomprehensible. In the stage history, the leader of the August strike remains in the shadow of Jacek Kuroń and his own wife Danuta, and becomes a character without charisma, rather resembling Ubu Roi from Jarry’s play. The show tries to capture the energy of the Polish women’s strikes of the autumn of 2020, but on stage they are mainly rebellious lonely wives of activists who find encouragement in a conservative vision of family (‘to be simply one of many families’). There is nothing subversive here. Unlike in Hamilton, this is not a look at Poland ‘then’ from the perspective of Poland ‘today.’ Despite the repudiation of the traditional narratives, the paradigm of Polish Romanticism still triumphs because the entire dramatic plot is based on an old romantic cliché: ‘He did not find happiness at home because there was none in the fatherland’ (Mickiewicz, Konrad Wallenrod). The artists create their own counter-history, which they are of course artistically entitled to do, but they do not answer the question of causal power, i.e. where did society draw its strength to survive during martial law, or what led to the fall of the communist regime in 1989.
Historia i Świat
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2023
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issue 12
481–494
EN
Solidarity is a permanent component of social life. In this sense, it becomes a transformative value that clearly connects people and their projects with others. The current situation in the world sharpens the issue of human solidarity. War, migration crises, aggressive globalization, territorial elitism, consumerism, populism, and the ideologization of social discourse lead to the distortion or elimination of the idea of solidarity. Nowadays, there are multi-level and multi-directional changes and transformations in individual and social ethos. Therefore, understanding solidarity requires an analysis of the context in which it is applied, as well as basic scientific assumptions. The article addresses this issue in the context of migration. It consists of three main elements: 1/ Firstly, it explains the philosophical phenomenon of solidarity as a very complex and multi-faceted individual and social reality; 2/ It portrays solidarity as a European virtue and value, which today seems to be experiencing certain difficulties in the EU’s migration policy, particularly revealed by the refugee crisis; 3/ It presents several ways of reflecting on solidarity in the light of representatives of contemporary philosophy and theoreticians of political thought (H.G. Gadamer, J. Dean, A. Grimmel, J. Tischner). These proposals can become an opportunity and a call to reflect on solidarity in times of its axiological and actual deficit.
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