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EN
Many New Testament texts bear witness to the faith of the rst Christians in the saving power of the name “Jesus”. This faith is related to the Old Testament signi cance of giving the names of things and of persons by God: calling with names corresponds closely to God’s role as Creator in relationship to His creative works and to His position as Savior of His people. This double function of naming and calling is pointed out in the Biblical texts on the grammatical and lexical level. The using the name “Jesus” by the New Testament authors and, rst of all, by the Synoptics emphasizes a soteriological meaning of the texts.
EN
The author provides evidence in the paper that Hus’ christology and soteriology do not depart from the boundaries of Catholic orthodoxy. Although Hus’ theology was time-conditioned, the author finds compelling questions therein (in contrast to modern commentators). Hus worked on the third book in the first semester of the academic year 1408/1409, which was a time involving a dramatic turn in his fate. Hus’ christology and soteriology is shaped in Anselm’s manner. It contains thought-provoking statements about Christ’s predestination, about his natural mortality, about the reverence of Christ’s humanity and about the worship of images. Hus’ theology of history focuses on the incarnation as the climax and fulfilment of the history of the world. The concept of Christ’s sinlessness, not excluding the ability to sin, is also interesting. In the conclusion, the author brings to light certain inconsistencies contained in the first half of the third book of Hus’ Commentary on Sentences.
EN
The paper deals with the sacrament of baptism in three perspectives. First it shows how baptism is incorporated in the historical existence of a Christian and constitutes the foundational event not only of the history of the human person in general, but of the history of salvation of every human person. The second perspective develops the soteriological character of baptism. In light of Christ’s salutary work seen within the so called “soteriological arch” (H. U. von Balthasar) the scope of transformation of the human subject is shown. The third part perceives the human subject incorporated by the Holy Spirit in the whole of the Church which is sacramentally ordered. The conclusion summarizes the basic theses of the paper.
EN
If one speaks about Christology and then about soteriology either in their paschal or incarnational (Incarnation) aspects, then one may speak about either paschal or incarnational priesthood. Though the classical priesthood is related with the Pascha, yet we must necessarily also notice the incarnational dimension and make up one, inseparable, and supplementing whole on the basis of one Person of Christ, one “person” of the Church and one person of the priest. In the personalistic approach, the priest receive the sign of esse sacerdotale and agere sacerdotale on the basis of priestly grace. This grace is given in the sacrament of the priesthood that is grafted into by a direct and church-making manner in the priesthood of Christ and making the whole Christic personality in the person called to the priesthood.
EN
In his celebrated writing Cur Deus homo, Anselm of Canterbury († 1109) proposed the first systematical treatise on Christian soteriology in history. The greatest influence of Cur Deus homo lies in the concept of Christ’s redemption which is interpreted as satisfaction, with this being the specific idea which continues to attract the attention of theologians. One of the first promoters of Anselm’s idea was Richard of Saint­‑Victor († 1173), who, in his work Ad me clamat ex Seir, focused on the idea of satisfaction in connection with the additional soteriological questions. In comparison with Anselm’s, however, Richard’s concept of satisfaction is extremely different. This article deals with the relationship between Anselm’s and Richard’s thinking in general, but also focuses on the acceptance of Anselm’s thinking in Ad me clamat ex Seir and analyses the acceptance of the term satisfaction as a soteriological category in Richard’s writing. It also mentions those aspects of Richard’s work which are original and the solutions to the aforesaid questions which he proposes.
EN
The analysis of Old Testament theophanies was particularly important to Hilary of Poitiers, both in what regards the doctrinal development of his soteriological and Christological thought and in what concerns his struggle against those who denied the equality of the Father and the Son. Throughout this paper I will analyse the Gallic bishop’s cross-sectional analysis of the main theophanies witnessed by the prophets and patriarchs in the light of their future orientation in his works, mainly in De Trinitate and the Tractatus super psalmos. Hilary believed that the reason behind divine manifestations was none other than the annunciation of the new economy which was inaugurated with the Incarnation and to arouse the faith and hope required to await this moment and to be able to identify the Son in the carnal habitus he assumed in his coming within mankind. In order to differentiate theophanies from the incarnation, Hilary of Poitiers establishes a fundamental difference between the species creatae assumed by the Word in the theophanies and the assumption of the flesh in the Incarnation which is essential to understand the mysteries the purpose of the Son's mission, namely, the salvation of humankind.
ES
Hilario de Poitiers concede una especial importancia al análisis de las teofanías del Antiguo Testamento, tanto en lo referente al desarrollo doctrinal de su pensamiento soteriológico y cristológico como en lo relativo a su enfrentamiento con aquellos que niegan la igualdad entre el Padre y el Hijo. A lo largo del presente artículo analizaremos el tratamiento transversal que hace el obispo galo en su obra (especialmente en De Trinitate y el Tractatus super psalmos) de las principales teofanías contempladas por profetas y patriarcas a la luz de su orientación futura. Hilario entiende que el motivo de las manifestaciones divinas no es otro que anunciar la nueva economía que se inaugura a raíz de la encarnación y suscitar en el hombre la fe y la esperanza necesarias para esperar ese momento y ser capaz de identificar al Hijo en el habitus carnal que asume en su venida. Para diferenciar las teofanías de la encarnación, Hilario de Poitiers establece una diferencia fundamental entre las species creatae asumidas por el Verbo en las teofanías y la asunción de la carne en la encarnación, aspecto fundamental para entender los misterios de la salvación del hombre que constituye el objetivo de la misión del Hijo.
Nurt SVD
|
2015
|
issue 2
29-55
PL
W artykule podjęto kwestię islamskiej krytyki chrześcijańskiej soteriologii. W pierwszej części zwrócono uwagę na niewystarczalność soteriocentryzmu (J. Hick), ignorującego głębokie różnice między religiami. Kolejna część prezentuje motywy, jakie skłaniają islam do odrzucenia chrześcijańskiej soteriologii. Są nimi radykalny monoteizm, w którym nie ma miejsca na ideę wcielenia i odkupienia, oraz koncepcja człowieka, wolnego od grzechu pierworodnego i jego skutków. W trzeciej części przedłożenia zaprezentowano krótką apologię chrześcijańskiej nauki o zbawieniu/odkupieniu, zwracając uwagę na wielość modeli soteriologicznych oraz różnorodność interpretacji grzechu pierworodnego. Wyeksponowanie soteriologii Anzelma z Canterbury znalazło uzasadnienie w jego dyskusji z islamem oraz dowartościowaniu ludzkiej wolności. We wnioskach zwrócono uwagę na konieczność współpracy teologii religii z innymi naukami religiologicznymi. Postawiono też pytanie o genezę unitarnego monoteizmu w Koranie (ewentualne wpływy wczesnego, monarchianistycznego chrześcijaństwa w Syrii – Ch. Luxenberg, K.H. Ohlig i inni) oraz o zasadność posługiwania się kategorią „słowa Bożego”, którą ten typ monoteizmu zdaje się wykluczać.
EN
The article presents an overview of the Islamic criticism of the Christian soteriology. It begins with pointing out some deficits in the soteriocentrism (J. Hick), with its glossing over serious differences between religions. Next it presents the motives behind Islam’s objection to the Christian soteriology, such as radical monotheism with its utter rejection of the idea of the incarnation and redemption, and its concept of man, reportedly free from the original sin and its consequences. The third part of the article is a brief apology of the Christian teaching on salvation and redemption. It draws attention to the fact that there is not one but many soteriological models and interpretations of the original sin. The soteriology of Anselm of Canterbury merits particular attention for his discussion with Islam and insistence on human freedom. The article concludes with an appeal to the theology of religion to work closely with other branches of religious studies. It postulates an inquiry into the genesis of the unitarian monotheism in the Qur’an and possible influence of the monarchianism in Syria on its formation (Ch. Luxenberg, K.H. Ohlig, and others). It also questions the legitimacy of referring to it as the Word of God, since this particular type of monotheism seems to exclude it in the first place.
EN
The article aims to answer the question of how in the history of exegesis the statement of the Apostle Paul from 2 Cor 5:21a (“God made Christ a sin”) was interpreted. The article consists of several parts examining the issue chronologically. At the beginning the interpretation of 2 Cor. 5:21a by theologians of the Patristic era (esp. Origen, Cyril of Alexandria, Gregory of Nazianzus; Gregory of Nyssa, John Chrysostom, and Augustine of Hippo) was presented. Then, the interpretation by medieval theologians (esp. Anselm of Canterbury) was discussed. In the third stage the understanding of 2 Cor 5:21a by Martin Luther, Jan Calvin, and other theologians of the Reformation era has been examined. The last step is the presentation of the interpretation of 2 Cor 5:21a during the modern era. It has been noticed that contemporary exegetes refer to the results of the theologians who lived before. In the interpretation of 2 Cor 5:21a, the three most important tendencies can be distinguished. First of them sees here a reference to the incarnation of the Son of God, the second one-a reference to His death understood as a sacrifice for sin, and the third trend understands making Jesus sin in relation to the reality of sin that Jesus Christ faced.
PL
Autor artykułu szuka odpowiedzi na pytanie, jak w historii egzegezy interpretowano wypowiedź Apostoła Pawła z 2 Kor 5,21a o tym, że Bóg uczynił Chrystusa grzechem. Artykuł składa się z kilku części uszeregowanych chronologicznie. Najpierw przedstawiona została interpretacja 2 Kor 5,21a przez teologów epoki patrystycznej (zwłaszcza Orygenesa, Cyryla Aleksandryjskiego, Grzegorza z Nazjanzu, Grzegorza z Nyssy, Jana Chryzostoma, Augustyna z Hippony). Następnie omówiono teologów średniowiecznych na czele z Anzelmem z Canterbury. Trzecim etapem było zwrócenie uwagi na Marcina Lutra, Jana Kalwina oraz innych teologów czasu Reformacji. Ostatni punkt stanowi ukazanie interpretacji 2 Kor 5,21a przez teologów nowożytnych. Zauważono, że egzegeci epoki nowożytnej w swoich badaniach nawiązują do owoców pracy teologów wcześniej żyjących. W interpretacji 2 Kor 5,21a wyróżnić można trzy najważniejsze tendencje, które widzą tutaj odniesienie do wcielenia Syna Bożego, do Jego śmierci rozumianej jako ofiara za grzech i do szeroko rozumianej rzeczywistości grzechu, z którą zmierzył się Jezus Chrystus.
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