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1

The Issues of Political Security in South Asia and Its Implications for the EU and NATO

100%
Kłodkowski P.
The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs
|
2016
|
issue 3
22-44
EN
For many years South Asia has been perceived as an unstable area, albeit with great potential for economic development. It is the region where two nuclear powers, India and Pakistan, coexisting in an uneasy and often tense relationship, may start another conflict with deadly consequences for the whole continent. It has also become a playground for the Asian superpowers, India and China, which will exert a powerful influence over regional affairs and contribute to some extent to reshaping global affairs only if they continue their balanced economic growth and develop their respective military capabilities. There is no efficient multilateral security mechanism in South Asia. The challenges of energy security, nuclear proliferation, failing states and piracy should compel nations in South Asia to look for additional frameworks, allowing them not only to talk, but also to work together, including militarily. NATO is one such a framework, and the only one with more than six decades of experience in multinational military planning and cooperation.
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Why refer to the Hindus in Bangladesh as a “minority”?

100%
Sumon M. H.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
|
2016
|
issue 40
341-348
EN
In this paper I problematize the notion of majority/ minority and try to argue that much of this construction can be shown to have links with forms of colonial governmentality in South Asia. Using relevant literature, the paper discusses how categories such as “minority” or “majority” came into being and were normalized through different technologies of power in post‑colonial states such as ours. Such constructions, when taken uncritically, can pose problems for the communities to which they refer. The paper indicates that nomenclature is an important issue and one needs to be careful about the terms they use, as they may have a far‑reaching effect.
3
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Ancient Traditions and Modern Challenges: South Asian Studies Today

100%
Karttunen K.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2016
|
issue 40
13-20
EN
In order to show the mutual importance and usefulness of classical and modern Indology to each other, the author presents a series of cases, where ancient things are present (and often reinterpreted and modified) in modern India, in fields such as religion and philosophy, social hierarchy, popular entertainment, language and linguistics and traditions of scholarship.
4
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Over the Khyber Afghans and South Asia – History of Contacts

100%
Kuczkiewicz-Fraś A.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2016
|
issue 40
49-65
EN
Political, economic and cultural connections between Afghanistan and South Asia have been long‑lasting and strong throughout the centuries, not only because of the geographical closeness of the regions, but also due to the genetic relationship of their peoples. In the 21st century, due to rapid geopolitical changes and globalization the mutual relations of these two regions are becoming more and more important, not only on bilateral level, but also from the point of view of the regional and international interests. The aim of this article is to concisely show how the relations between Afghanistan and South Asia developed over the history, with special attention given to the current state of affair.
5
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Indie jako azjatyckie mocarstwo regionalne

100%
Łysiak P.
Forum Politologiczne
|
2008
|
vol. 8 - Współczesny Daleki Wschód w stosunkach międzynarodowych - rywalizacja i mocarstwowość
429-469
EN
Since 1991 the world’s interest in South Asia has been rising continually. On the parallel basis India s ambitions and its commitment to international affairs influenced both foreign and economic policy. This is to observe also with respect to increase in regional cooperation in South Asia. In the mid-point of the 21st century India will become the most populous nation worldwide. Due to in-depth changes within India s economy which began in the early nineties India enjoys accelerated economic growth which could spill all over the region. This involves changes across the society and growing domestic demand. Thanks to increased openness of the Indian economy the volume of regional trade begins to rise eventually. India attracts more foreign investment and draws investors’ attention to other South Asian countries. This article also aims at highlighting India s key role in regional political and economic cooperation within SAARC and BIMSTEC. The author also concentrates on new perspectives of Indian foreign policy i.e. the Look-East-Policy and a new approach to Indian Ocean. Contrary to a common belief that specific Indian political culture may hamper solving regional, mainly boundary, conflicts, and the author argues that India in the decades to come will take advantage of its democratic political system to prove its readiness to assume a more pragmatic stance towards China, Pakistan, Myanmar and Bangladesh. This is critical for India in order to sustain its success.
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‘Stranded Pakistanis’ in Bangladesh – victims of political divisions of 70 years ago

100%
Kuczkiewicz-Fraś A.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
|
2019
|
issue 51
EN
‘Stranded Pakistanis’ in Bangladesh – victims of political divisions of 70 years agoNearly 300 000 Urdu-speaking Muslims, coming mostly from India’s Bihar, live today in Bangladesh, half of them in the makeshift camps maintained by the Bangladeshi government. After the division of the Subcontinent in 1947 they migrated to East Bengal (from 1955 known as East Pakistan), despite stronger cultural and linguistic ties (they were Urdu, not Bengali, speakers) connecting them with West Pakistan. In 1971, after East Pakistan became independent and Bangladesh was formed, these so-called ‘Biharis’ were placed by the authorities of the newly formed republic in the camps, from which they were supposed – and they hoped – to be relocated to Pakistan. However, over the next 20 years, only a small number of these people has actually been transferred. The rest of them are still inhabiting slum-like camps in former East Bengal, deprived of any citizenship and all related rights (to work, education, health care, insurance, etc.). The governments of Pakistan and Bangladesh consistently refuse to take responsibility for their fate, incapable of making any steps that would eventually solve the complex problem of these people, also known as ‘stranded Pakistanis.’ The article explains historical and political factors that were responsible for the fate of ‘Biharis’ and presents their current legal situation in Bangladesh. „Opuszczeni Pakistańczycy” w Bangladeszu - ofiary podziałów politycznych sprzed 70 latW prowizorycznych obozach utrzymywanych przez rząd Bangladeszu żyje do dziś blisko pół miliona muzułmanów z indyjskiego Biharu, którzy po podziale subkontynentu w 1947 roku wyemigrowali do Bengalu Wschodniego (później: Pakistanu Wschodniego), pomimo silniejszych więzi kulturowych i językowych (posługują się językiem urdu) łączących ich z Pakistanem Zachodnim. W 1971 roku po uniezależnieniu się Pakistanu Wschodniego i utworzeniu Bangladeszu, około 300-tysięczna grupa Biharczyków została zamknięta przez władze nowo powstałej republiki w obozach, z których następnie miała zostać relokowana do Pakistanu. Jednak w kolejnych 20 latach zaledwie część tych osób została rzeczywiście przesiedlona. Pozostali, pozbawieni obywatelstwa i wszystkich wiążących się z tym uprawnień (np. do pracy, edukacji, ochrony zdrowia, ubezpieczenia itd.), wciąż zamieszkują przypominające slumsy obozy na terenie byłego Bengalu Wschodniego, zaś rządy Pakistanu, Indii i Bangladeszu wzajemnie przerzucają na siebie odpowiedzialność za ich losy, niezdolne do poczynienia jakichkolwiek kroków, które pozwoliłyby ostatecznie rozwiązać skomplikowany problem tzw. opuszczonych Pakistańczyków (ang. stranded Pakistanis). Artykuł wyjaśnia czynniki historyczne i polityczne, które były odpowiedzialne za los „Biharczyków”, oraz przedstawia ich obecną sytuację prawną w Bangladeszu.
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Growth effect of aid and its volatility: An individual country study in South Asian economies

88%
Bhavan T., Xu C., Zhong C.
Business and Economic Horizons
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2010
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vol. 3
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issue 3
1-9
EN
This paper empirically investigates the growth effect associated with aid and its volatility during the period 1995-2008 in the case of five South Asian economies. The aid is classified into short impact, long impact and humanitarian aid. We obtained results for each of the country by employing two-stage least squares method. The results suggest that gross aid is positively associated with growth rate where as its volatility negatively effects growth rate South Asian countries. Short impact and long impact aid positively effect on growth rate whereas respective aid volatilities have negative affects on all the economies, excluding at least one country in each case. Humanitarian aid and its volatility have mixed results. Thus, we come to a conclusion that, aid and aid volatility have strong association with growth rate in the South Asian countries, but varies considerably from country to country in terms of magnitude of effect and in relation to the growth rates
8
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Indo-French Defence Cooperation in the Light of Regional Security Balance in South Asia

88%
Bharti M. S.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
|
2022
|
issue 2 (51)
7-18
EN
The article aims to describe the regional security challenges to India in South Asia. Since the partition of India in 1947, the country has continuously been under external threat as a form of proxy warfare and terrorism. For this purpose, the article highlighted the core hotspots where India has major border issues with China in the Himalayan terrain. India has been facing a bigger security challenge from China and Pakistan in the South Asia region. This article analyses the defence ties between India and France in the context of security. India's neorealist approaches expand its strategic partnership in global politics. Therefore, India has been getting strategic support from the French side whenever India seeks support in a critical situation. The article uses the methods of case study and discourse analysis to answer the question and find out the study's relevance. As a result of severe security threats, India had to negotiate the purchase of defence equipment from France. India had to buy Rafael fighter jet, submarine and other heavy military weapons. Indo-French relations are stronger than in the past and will develop as friendly relations in the future.
9
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The Sino-Indian rivalry in South Asia in the XXI century on the examples of Nepal, Sri Lanka and the Maldives

88%
Okraska T.
Political Preferences
|
2018
|
issue 20
43-58
EN
In the article the author focuses on the analysis of Sino-Indian rivalry in the three countries, seeking common points and differences in their situation. These are the inland Nepal, located between India and China; the islands of Sri Lanka, lying adjacent to the Indian subcontinent; and the Maldives, five hundred kilometer away from it. Author claims that in the 21st century there is an increase of intensity in relations between the People's Republic of China and the Republic of India in the field of competitive impacts in the analyzed countries. However, due to the significantly lower potential of India in the economic sphere and less activity in the international arena, the policy of this country in South Asia is most often reactive to China's actions. In the 21st century a significant change in the political situation in Nepal, Sri Lanka and the Maldives can be seen. India's former hegemony has been undermined by China, which has gained an advantage in all of these countries.
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Precursory Study on South Asian Security and Geopolitics

75%
Ramachandra B.
Acta Asiatica Varsoviensia
|
2018
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issue 31
82-96
XX
Security issues in South Asia could be the key to world peace. Understanding the particular dynamics of security creation and its provision in the region has therefore become extremely important. That said, there are major hurdles to a proper comprehension of the underlying complexities. Most of the home-grown security studies and analyses are sponsored or directly provided by the security establishment, focusing mainly on the tactical capacities of the military apparatus. The outside academic community, mainly the Singapore-Australia-USA triangle, tend to concentrate on the global perspectives with predominance given to the India-China aspect of the security configuration. For these reasons, vital and insightful concepts are missing for the proper and realistic understanding of the security policies and configuration of South Asia. The purpose of this essay will be to introduce some of these analytical concepts and give a deeper understanding of the issues at work, in short to provide a historic background to the conflict and security configuration of South Asia
11
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Władza niekolonialna: studium przypadku. Historia Tajlandii po polsku

75%
Flasiński T.
Dzieje Najnowsze
|
2022
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vol. 54
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issue 4
249-263
EN
The article reviews the Polish edition of the classical synthesis of Thai history written by Chris Baker and Pasuk Phongpaichit. While both the book and the translation are of high quality and worth reading, the former contains a few omissions and dubious opinions, and the latter some mistakes.
PL
Artykuł omawia polskie wydanie klasycznej syntezy historii Tajlandii pióra Chrisa Bakera i Pasuk Phongpaichit. Jakkolwiek książka jest wysokiej jakości i warta lektury, a przekład oddaje jej sprawiedliwość, zwrócić należy uwagę na kwestie pominięte w pracy i wyrażane w niej wątpliwe opinie oraz na pewne błędy w tłumaczeniu.
12
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Interpreting the legacy of partition in the subcontinent: Indian and Pakistani perspectives

63%
Chakrabarti S.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2016
|
issue 40
21-29
EN
The twentieth century partitions, it has been argued, have been essentially the by‑products of three interlinked global developments: (a) decolonisation; (b) democratisation and the (c) Cold War dynamics. The partition of the Indian subcontinent, in particular, bore the imprint of the maelstrom produced by the intertwining of these three forces. The process of partition in South Asia did not only involve simple division and reorganisation of territories but was accompanied by devolution and indigenisation of political institutions and governance, placing partition at the heart of the process of nation‑state formation. In this sense, the longue duree process of the partitioning of the subcontinent has continued to cast its long shadow over the nation‑building process leading to internal discrepancies and the development of regional dynamics, often competitive and conflictual in nature.
13
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Factors which influence Foreign Policy of Bhutan

63%
Bhardwaj D.
Polish Journal of Political Science
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2016
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vol. 2
|
issue 2
25-72
EN
This article discusses the factors which play a major role in shaping the foreign policy of Bhutan. How Bhutan, a tiny landlocked country and the youngest democracy in the world gets influence by the behavior and interest of the neighboring big powers: India and China. This article will look into many facets of Bhutan to understand its foreign policy-making, such as Location, Political institutions, Security, Economy and Gross National Happiness.
14
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Development Challenges in South Asia: A Contemporary Discussion on Gender Inequality

63%
Bharti S. S.
UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences
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2022
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issue 3(24)
83-94
EN
The human development index (HDI) ranking and its value indicate the development challenge in South Asia, where the region is performing impressively in terms of economic growth. However, social development is still perceived in terms of the worst scenario. The South Asian region continues the policy of socio-economic exclusion on the basis of caste, ethnicity, religion and gender. According to the study, the international organisations and the countries of the region are following the development indicator adopted by the United Nations and its institutions. The background of South Asia is like a battleground for a cycle of conflicts; religious, ethnic, and caste conflict cause people to be economically marginalised due to these tensions. The political tension between India and Pakistan results in a constantly fragile situation. In this context, the article explores contemporary development challenges and gender inequality in South Asia.
PL
Ranking rozwoju społecznego (HDI) i jego wskaźniki wyznaczają aktualne wyzwania rozwojowe w południowej Azji. Region ten notuje wysoki i ciągły wzrost gospodarczy. Niestety, zgodnie ze wskaźnikiem HDI poprawy wymagają wskaźniki dotyczące rozwoju społecznego. W regionie Azji Południowej utrzymuje się zjawisko wykluczenia społeczno-ekonomicznego ze względu m.in. na takie czynniki, jak kasta, pochodzenie etniczne, religia i płeć. Organizacje międzynarodowe i państwa kierują się wskaźnikiem rozwoju przyjętym przez ONZ i jej instytucje, a w opisywanym regionie można zaobserwować szerokie spektrum konfliktów – od militarnych, religijnych po ekonomiczne i etniczne. Przykładem tego typu zjawiska jest napięcie polityczne między Indiami a Pakistanem, które destabilizuje sytuację w regionie zarówno z perspektywy ekonomicznej, jak i społecznej. Niniejszy artykuł analizuje współczesne wyzwania rozwojowe i nierówność płci w Azji Południowej na podstawie dostępnych wskaźników rozwoju, w tym HDI.
15
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A Panel Analysis of Trade Gravity between Pakistan and South Asian Countries

51%
Jan W. U., Shah M.
|
2020
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vol. 23
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issue 4
187-207
PL
W artykule podjęto próbę zbadania wzorców handlowych widocznych w relacjach Pakistanu z krajami Azji Południowej przy użyciu grawitacyjnego modelu handlu. Głównym celem badania było ilościowe określenie długoterminowego wpływu zmiennych grawitacyjnych. Aby osiągnąć ten cel, wykorzystano zestaw danych panelowych dla lat 2003–2017. Ponieważ wyniki testów panelowych pierwiastka jednostkowego były niewiarygodne, zastosowano techniki Pooled Mean Group (PMG) i Panel Dynamic Ordinary Least Square (DOLS). Wyniki modeli PMG i Panel DOLS uzasadniają teoretyczne podstawy modelu grawitacyjnego i sugerują, że wszystkie podstawowe zmienne grawitacyjne mają typowe znaki. Realny PKB i liczba ludności zarówno Pakistanu, jak i kraju partnerskiego mają pozytywny wpływ na ich handel dwustronny. Z drugiej strony odległość między dwoma krajami dokonującymi wymiany handlowej oraz kurs walutowy mają negatywny wpływ na handel dwustronny. Wyjątkowość tego badania polega na tym, że mierzy ono jednocześnie wpływ zmiennych jakościowych oraz podstawowych zmiennych grawitacyjnych. Podobieństwa językowe i wspólne granice mają pozytywny wpływ na handel dwustronny. Jednakże, choć Pakistan graniczy z Indiami i Afganistanem, ich relacje handlowe nie są istotne. Konflikty zbrojne między Pakistanem a Indiami oraz polityczna podejrzliwość w relacjach Pakistanu z Afganistanem komplikują ich stosunki handlowe.
EN
This paper attempts to examine Pakistan’s trade patterns with South Asian countries by using a gravity model of trade. The main objective of the study is to quantify the long‑run impacts of gravity variables. To achieve this objective, a panel data set for the period 2003 to 2017 has been used. Based on the mixed evidence of the results of panel unit root tests, Pooled Mean Group (PMG) and Panel Dynamic Ordinary Least Square (DOLS) techniques are applied. The outcome of the PMG and Panel DOLS models justifies the theoretical background of the gravity model and suggests that all the basic gravity variables haveusual signs. The RGDPs and population of both Pakistan and the partner country have a positive impact on their bilateral trade. On the other hand, the distance between the two trading countries and the exchange rate have a negative impact on bilateral trade.The uniqueness of this study is that it measures the impacts of qualitative variables along with basic gravity variables. Language similarities and common borders have a positive impact on bilateral trade. Pakistan has borders with India and Afghanistan, but their trade relations are not worth mentioning. The military conflicts between Pakistan and India, and the political suspicions between Pakistan and Afghanistan hinder their trade relations.
16

Mesopotaamia jumalanna Nanāia mõjudest Kesk- ja Lõuna-Aasias

45%
Schumann A., Sazonov V.
Mäetagused
|
2023
|
vol. 85
121-136
EN
In this paper we have traced some basic attributes belonging to the Mesopotamian goddess Nanāia, from their origin in the period of Ur III (2112–2004 BC) in ancient Mesopotamia up to the period of the Kuṣāṇas and Kūšānšāhs (from the 1st century AD to the late 4th century AD) in Central and South Asia, and up to the period of their successors – the Kidarites and Hephthalites. We have shown that there was a smooth transformation of these attributes of Nanāia to the standard Indian iconographic motif of Durgā.
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