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Funkcjonowanie Osetii Południowej w świetle prawa narodów do samostanowienia

100%
Lesyk-Szkutnik Y.
Wschodnioznawstwo
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2017
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issue 11
337-345
EN
South Ossetia also known as the Tskhinvali Region, is a partially recognised state in the South Caucasus. Georgia as an independent state has got a great problem with this region. The main reason is a very important role of Russian Federation in the process of destabilization the political situation in the country. Two wars from the past (1992, 2008) showed that South Essetia didn’t have the rigth to use the argument of self-determination of the nation.
2
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Sovereignty issues in the Caucasus: contested ethnic and national identities in Chechnya, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia

88%
Rukhadze V., Duerr G.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
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2016
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issue 48
EN
Sovereignty issues in the Caucasus: contested ethnic and national identities in Chechnya, Abkhazia, and South OssetiaThe issue of sovereignty has been at the forefront of regional politics in the Caucasus since the dissolution of the USSR in 1991. In particular, the Russian government has approached various-seemingly similar cases-in very different ways. Although each specific region examined-Chechnya, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia-is unique, the nature of ethnic and national identity has been framed differently by the Russian government. In Chechnya, the Putin administration has framed any outstanding separatist claims in conjunction with terrorism and national security issues. In Abkhazia and South Ossetia, the Putin administration has instead noted the need for “liberation.” The outcome has been to stifle secessionist desires in Chechnya, while supporting those same secessionist desires outside of Russia’s borders, in Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Kwestia suwerenności na Kaukazie: kontestowane tożsamości etniczne i narodowe w Czeczenii, Abchazji i Osetii PołudniowejKwestia suwerenności wysunęła się na czołowe miejsce w polityce regionalnej na Kaukazie z chwilą rozpadu Związku Sowieckiego w 1991 roku. W istocie rząd rosyjski do poszczególnych, pozornie podobnych, przypadków podszedł w odmienny sposób. Aczkolwiek każdy z interesujących nas tutaj regionów – Czeczenia, Abchazja i Osetia Południowa – jest unikatowy, to charakter tożsamości etnicznej i narodowej został ujęty przez rząd rosyjski w inne ramy. W Czeczenii administracja Putina wiązała wysuwane tam roszczenia separatystyczne z terroryzmem i kwestiami bezpieczeństwa narodowego. Z kolei w Abchazji i Osetii Południowej Rosja dostrzegła potrzebę „wyzwolenia”. W efekcie nastąpiło stłumienie aspiracji do secesji w Czeczenii, podczas gdy poza granicami Rosji, w Abchazji i Osetii Południowej, te same dążenia secesjonistyczne zyskały sobie poparcie.
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Forward-looking solutions for the Georgian and South Ossetian conflict: a path towards reconciliation

88%
Jasutis G.
Baltic Journal of Law & Politics
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2013
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vol. 6
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issue 2
24-49
EN
The article explores the dynamics of the Georgian and South Ossetian conflict which has been violent over the last twenty years. It reached a critical peak again in 2008 resulting in new security developments and post-conflict situation which drifts away from reconciliation between the communities. The research explains and identifies the timelines and stages of the Georgian-South Ossetian conflict as well as the potential of violence, specifically placing a heavy emphasis on the case of the Akhalgori district, which had been under Georgian control until August 2008. Furthermore, it employs community relations theory and offers forwardlooking solutions which should lead towards reconciliation. The article concludes that reconciliation itself is a very complicated concept to be successfully applied in practice; therefore community relations theory and its approach towards gradual reconciliation between the Georgian and South Ossetian communities seems to be the most reliable option for resolution of the conflict, which should incorporate the Orthodox Church, mutual cultural and anti-intimidation works along with transparent and controllable security actors.
4
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Russia’s role in the official peace process in South Ossetia

88%
Hoch T., Souleimanov E., Baranec T.
Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series
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2014
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vol. 23
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issue 23
53-71
EN
The aim of this article is to analyse the role of Russia in the transformation of the Georgian-Ossetian conflict and analyse this important period in the history of the Caucasus, where Georgia and its secessionist region of South Ossetia have been trying to find a peaceful solution to their post-war situation. Major milestones of the official peace process are set in the context of Russian-Georgian relations. We then proceed to the analysis of the internal changes within the Russian Federation at the turn of the millennium and try to find a connection between this internal transformation of Russia and the transformation of the conflict in South Ossetia. The most important factors behind the more assertive approach by the Russian Federation towards Georgia in the last decade are considered: internal centralisation of power and economic growth of the Russian Federation, the reinforcement of the importance of the South Caucasus as part of the geopolitical discourse within the Russian Federation, the deterioration in Russian-Georgian relations, and the suppression of the fear of the spill-over effect since the end of Second Chechen War.
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Between sustainability and uncertainty. Political systems of Abkhazia, South Ossetia and the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic – conditions and features

88%
Czachor R.
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
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2015
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vol. 22
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issue 1
EN
The article revisits the issue of the political functionality and social organization in Caucasian de facto entities. Basing on theoretical approaches regarding the phenomenon of unrecognized states, the paper examines cases of Abkhazia, South Ossetia and the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR) with the focus on internal and external factors, including historical legacy, system of power, weakness of the mother state as well as support of the metropolitan state. It concludes that de facto entities demonstrate the vitality of their societies and political maturity, but their future depends mostly on international politics.
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Elity polityczne Osetii Południowej wobec idei niepodległości

75%
Czachor R.
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
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2014
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vol. 1(6)
52-66
EN
The process of political disintegration of the Soviet Union has not ended with official dissolution of this state in the end of 1991. The best evidence of instability of the post-Soviet space are “frozen” ethno-political conflicts in Transnistria, Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. The main goal of this article is to analyze the attitude of South Ossetian political elites to the idea of independence. The author presents the development of political life in South Ossetia since the declaration of its independence in 1990. He argues that despite of strong will to get sovereignty, South Ossetian politicians are considering the future of separatist quazi-state within Russian Federation. In fact both Ossetian elite and Russian authorities get advantages of current status quo.
RU
Процесс политической дезинтеграции бывшего Советского Союза не завершился в конце 1991 года. Самым ярким доказательством нестабильности постсоветского пространства являются «замороженные» этнополитческие конфликты в Приднестровье, Абхазии, Южной Осетии и Нагорном Карабахе. Главная цель данной статьи проанализировать отношение южноосетинских политических элит к идее независимости. Автор проследил процесс разивтия политической жизни Южной Осетии с момента объявления суверенитета в 1990 году. Доказано, что несмотря на сильное привержение к идее независимости, южноосетинские политки будуще непризнан- ной республики рассматривают в составе Российской Федерации. Однако текущая ситуация и сохранение статус кво вписывается в интересы южноосетинских политиков и властей России.
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Kryzysy legitymacji władzy w Abchazji i Osetii Południowej w ujęciu neopatrymonialnym

63%
Czachor R.
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
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2016
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vol. 8(44)
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issue 1
31-50
PL
Artykuł przedstawia zagadnienie kryzysów legitymacji władzy w dwóch pozbawionych powszechnego uznania parapaństwach kaukaskich: Abchazji i Osetii Południowej. Problem został omówiony w ujęciu neopatrymonialnym, które pozwala na analizę dynamiki systemów politycznych poza kategoriami demokratyzacji i modernizacji. Artykuł składa się z kilku części: prezentuje główne cechy postradzieckich reżimów politycznych w ujęciu neopatrymonialnym, omawia kryzysy legitymacji władzy w Abchazji w latach 2004 i 2014 oraz w Osetii Południowej w roku 2011. We wnioskach stwierdzono, że procesy polityczne w obu parapaństwach mają głównie nieformalny charakter i przebiegają w warunkach rywalizacji klanowej; omówione kryzysy wpisują się w kategorię „kolorowych rewolucji”, które nawiedziły przestrzeń postradziecką w latach 2003-2005 oraz że Rosja pozostaje ważnym elementem polityki parapaństw, aczkolwiek nie w pełni kontroluje mechanizmy sprawowania władzy i jej przekazywania.
XX
The article approaches the problem of the legitimacy of power in two Caucasian de facto entities from the perspective of neopatrimonialism. This approach allows to analyze the dynamics of political systems avoiding misunderstandings of modernization and democratic breakthroughs. The article contains several parts: it describes main features of the post-Soviet political systems in a neopatrimonial perspective, crises of legitimacy in Abkhazia in 2004 and 2014 as well as in South Ossetia in 2011. In conclusions it was confirmed that political processes in both de facto states have mainly informal character and are determined by clans’ rivalry. Described crises can be considered as variations of so called ‘colour revolutions’ that happened in some post-Soviet countries in 2003-2005. Russia remains an important factor of politics of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, but it is not able to fully control their political processes.
8
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Misja Obserwacyjna Unii Europejskiej EUMM Gruzja w latach 2008–2019

63%
Kołodziejska J.
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
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2020
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vol. 1(24)
102–135
EN
The article concerns the functioning of the European Union Monitoring Mission EUMM Georgia in the years 2008–2019. The EUMM mission was presented as a tool to guarantee the sustainability of the Sarkozy-Medvedev agreement. It is considered to be crucial to decide what results led to the functioning of the Mission and to determine whether the current situation in the region allows to state that the objectives of the Mission have been achieved and its further occurrence is justified. The article includes the issue of the negative impact exerted by the limited nature of the mission’s mandate on the practical activities of observers for the stabilization and normalization of post-conflict situations. The balance sheet of the Mission’s activity and perspectives of its functioning were presented in the form of a scenario of future events.
RU
Статья посвящена работе Миссии Наблюдателей Европейского Союза МНЕС в Грузии в 2008-2019 годах. Миссия МНЕС была представлена как инструмент, гарантирующий устойчивость соглашения Саркози-Медведев. Крайне важным является решить, к каким результатам привела работа Миссии, и определить, позволяет ли нынешняя ситуация в регионе утверждать, что цели Миссии были достигнуты, а ее дальнейшая работа оправдана. В статье рассматривается проблема негативного влияния ограниченного характера мандата миссии на практическую деятельность наблюдателей по стабилизации и нормализации постконфликтных ситуаций. Баланс деятельности Миссии и перспективы ее функционирования были представлены в виде сценария будущих событий.
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Politics of Memory in Independent Georgia. Selected Aspects

51%
Górecki W.
Institute of National Remembrance Review
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2019
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vol. 1
283-309
EN
This article outlines the question of politics of memory in independent Georgia (since the collapse of the USSR). The author argues that Georgia is not yet conducting such a policy, but we may nevertheless discuss a sum of activities which during the rules of Zviad Gamsakhurdia (1990–1992) and Eduard Shevardnadze (1992–2003) were sporadic and intuitive, but since the Rose Revolution and the government of Mikheil Saakashvili (2004–2013) have become more thoughtful and methodical (the Museum of Soviet Occupation was opened in Tbilisi during this time). The actions taken were influenced by the political situation – the civil war, the wars in South Ossetia and Abkhazia in the 1990s, and the Russian-Georgian war of 2008 – as well as the regional diversity of the country, its multi-ethnicity, and its position in the South Caucasus (which in Soviet times was known as Transcaucasia). This article discusses the most important topics that appear in Georgian narratives about the past, highlighting the historical ties between it and the West (the aim is to prove that in cultural-axiological terms Georgia belongs to Europe, and thus to justify Tbilisi’s aspirations to integration with the EU and NATO), and depicting Georgia as the victim of the Russian and Soviet empires (and whose successor is contemporary Russia). However, the Georgian message is hindered by the existence of the Joseph Stalin State Museum, which glorifies the Soviet dictator.
10
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De facto states and their socio-economic structures in the post-Soviet space after the annexation of Crimea

38%
Baar V., Baarová B.
Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej
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2017
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vol. 6
267-303
PL
Artykuł koncentruje się na problemach ekonomicznych państw de facto w przestrzeni postsowieckiej po aneksji Krymu przez Rosję w 2014 r., utworzeniu Eurazjatyckiej Unii Gospodarczej w 2015 r. oraz podpisaniu pogłębionej i kompleksowej umowy o wolnym handlu między UE a Gruzją i Mołdawią wchodzącej w życie od 2016 r. Poddaje analizie długoterminowe strategie gospodarcze Naddniestrza, Górskiego Arcachu, Południowej Osetii-Alanii i Abchazji w kontekście tych zmian. Bazując na danych statystycznych i innych informacjach poddaje analizie ich problemy gospodarcze, które są ściśle związane z rozwojem sytuacji w Rosji i jej geopolitycznymi interesami.
EN
The paper is focused on the economic problems of de facto states in the post-Soviet space after Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014, creation of the Eurasian Economic Union in 2015 and the signing of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement between the EU and Georgia and Moldova with effect from 2016. It analyzes long-term economic strategies of Transnistria, Nagorno-Artsakh, South Ossetia-Alania and Abkhazia in the context of such changes. On the basis of statistical  analyzes their economic problems, which are closely connected with developments in Russia and its geopolitical interests.
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