Search results

1

Cooperation for forest protection in Southeast Asia: the role of Japan and its domestic interest groups

100%

Didvalis L.

International Journal of Area Studies

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2014

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vol. 9

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issue 1

19-36

EN

This article examines Japan’s role in advancing regional forest governance in Southeast Asia and reasons why the country, despite claiming environmental leadership, has not created a strong long-term institutional framework to promote sustainable forest management (SFM). The first half of the article is dedicated to analyzing Asia Forest Partnership and bilateral agreements with Indonesia and Malaysia in the light of implementation of SFM. The second half examines Japan’s domestic interest groups and their attitudes towards SFM and cooperation for forest protection with the Southeast Asian countries. The article argues that the gap between Japan’s commitments and actual activities has not been closed in the most recent cooperation for forest protection in the region. One of the major reasons for that is the strength and resistance against the regulations of the Japanese companies that benefit from the free trade of tropical timber.

LT

Straipsnyje analizuojamas Japonijos vaidmuo vystant regioninio lygio miškų valdymą Pietryčių Azijoje ir priežastys kodėl, nepaisant teiginių apie lyderiavimą aplinkosaugoje, šalis neįkūrė stiprios ilgalaikės institucinės sąrangos darnios miškotvarkos populiarinimui. Pirmoji straipsnio dalis yra skirta darnios miškotvarkos įgyvendinimo įvertinimui Azijos miškų parnerystėje bei dvišaliuose susitarimuose su Malaizija ir Indonezija. Antrojoje dalyje analizuojamos Japonijos vidaus interesų grupės ir jų požiūris į darnią miškotvarką bei bendradarbiavimą dėl miškų apsaugos su Pietryčių Azijos šalimis. Straipsnyje teigiama, kad vertinant pastarųjų metų bendradarbiavimą dėl miškų apsaugos regione, Japonija nesugebėjo sumažinti atotrūkio tarp įsipareigojimų ir nuveiktų darbų. Viena iš pagrindinių to priežasčių yra stiprios ir reguliavimui besipriešinančios Japonijos kompanijos, kurios pelnosi iš nevaržomos prekybos tropine mediena.

2

DEVELOPMENT PROBLEMS OF THE SOUTHEAST ASIAN ECONOMIES

100%

Oziewicz E.

International Journal of Emerging and Transition Economies (IJETE)

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2010

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vol. 3

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issue 1

1-11

EN

Southeast Asian economies have already gone a long way of development. Firstly, they have survived a period of economic miracle, which de facto was not a miracle, but based on good macroeconomic policy and strong foundations, such as high interest rate and macroeconomic stability. Secondly, the economies have experienced deep crisis, which has proven that good policies are not sufficient condition for development. Apart of them economy needs good, mature institutions and management. Reforming those institutions as well as political reforms is especially important, if countries open politically as well as their economies. Reforms with parallel process of transforming countries towards democracy, and sometimes still decentralization is a great challenge for them. Thirdly, dynamic development of the Chinese and Indian economies has constrained other countries and those being members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as well, to certain adjustments. ASEAN countries represent different development levels, what significantly determines their future aims and policies as well as their advances in the world and region’s society. The article answers three important questions connected with further development of the ASEAN countries: 1. Are the ASEAN countries able to avoid internal disintegration while growing intolerance for deepening disparities in the societies of individual countries, increase in pollution and corruption? 2. Are the ASEAN countries going to profit on the success of China and India, or, maybe opposite, is it going to be additional competitive struggle in international markets? 3. Will the regional integration help in raising the economic effectiveness, or is it to cause external shocks in individual economies?

3

Narcotics Smuggling Routes in the Southeast Asia Region (Case Study in the Riau Province, Indonesia)

100%

Prayuda R., Warsito T., Surwandono S.

Security Dimensions: International & National Studies

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2019

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vol. 30(30)

116-133

EN

Purpose: This paper describes narcotics smuggling routes in the Southeast Asia region, with a special focus on the case of the Riau Province, Indonesia). Southeast Asia occupies the area of 4,4 million square kilometers. The populations of ASEAN has increased from 563.7 million in 2006 to 631.8 million in 2015 at a rate of 1,14% per annum. The population growth in Southeast Asia has impacted the increased use of drugs. The Golden Triangle, i.e. the territory where the borders of Myanmar, Laos and Thailand meet, is a hub for narcotics smuggling. Riau Province is one of gates for narcotics smuggling from other states in Southeast Asia to Indonesia. Method: The paper uses qualitative methods with accompanying descriptions. The theories applied in this paper are realism approach together with international security concept, human security, and narcotics smuggling. Findings: Narcotics smuggling routes in the Riau Province, Indonesia run along unofficial port lines along the coastline. Some regencies that participate in narcotic smuggling are Bengkalis, Dumai, Meranti, Rokan Hilir and Indragiri Hilir Regency. Narcotics smugglers use sea lanes and fishing boats, and act at night to trick patrol officers in the border region.

4

Narcotics Smuggling Routes in the Southeast Asia Region (Case Study in the Riau Province, Indonesia)

100%

Prayuda R., Warsito T., Surwandono S.

Security Dimensions: International & National Studies

|

2020

|

vol. 30(30)

116-133

EN

Purpose: This paper describes narcotics smuggling routes in the Southeast Asia region, with a special focus on the case of the Riau Province, Indonesia). Southeast Asia occupies the area of 4,4 million square kilometers. The populations of ASEAN has increased from 563.7 million in 2006 to 631.8 million in 2015 at a rate of 1,14% per annum. The population growth in Southeast Asia has impacted the increased use of drugs. The Golden Triangle, i.e. the territory where the borders of Myanmar, Laos and Thailand meet, is a hub for narcotics smuggling. Riau Province is one of gates for narcotics smuggling from other states in Southeast Asia to Indonesia. Method: The paper uses qualitative methods with accompanying descriptions. The theories applied in this paper are realism approach together with international security concept, human security, and narcotics smuggling. Findings: Narcotics smuggling routes in the Riau Province, Indonesia run along unofficial port lines along the coastline. Some regencies that participate in narcotic smuggling are Bengkalis, Dumai, Meranti, Rokan Hilir and Indragiri Hilir Regency. Narcotics smugglers use sea lanes and fishing boats, and act at night to trick patrol officers in the border region.

5

Impacts of the current economic crisis on Southeast Asian labour markets

100%

Walsh J.

Business and Economic Horizons

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2010

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vol. 3

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issue 3

123-134

EN

Southeast Asian labour markets are characterized by the diversity of the countries of which they are part and by the historical antecedents of colonialism that have largely given them their nature. Most have adopted a form of the export-oriented, import-substituting low labour cost manufacturing paradigm of economic development known as the East Asian Economic Model (EAEM). Having already passed through the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997 and its disruptive effects, workers in the region are facing a different set of challenges as a result of the present ongoing crisis: these include structural changes to the EAEM and the possibility of public unrest in the continuing absence of genuine democratization across most of the region. These factors add some distinctive features to regional labour markets which, nevertheless, consist of people with the same aspirations and desires as those of workers throughout the world

6

The Background of the Disputes over the South China Sea Islands

100%

Kościelniak K.

Reality of Politics

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2014

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issue 5

11-19

EN

In the light of the official statements made by the capitals of its coastal states, there is probably not a single centimetre of free space left in this sea, to which a claim has not been issued. In some parts of the sea, the claims of three, four of even five states overlap, creating a truly Gordian knot. The significance of the South China Sea causes that if the dispute over the archipelagos is not settled by implementing peaceful methods and means, at the negotiation table, East Asia region is likely to become a potential source of destabilisation and conflict whose size, in respect to the location and the number of parties directly or indirectly engaged in the dispute might turn out to be extremely hazardous.

7

Food Security Governance in the Southeast Asia Region: from National to Regional Governance

100%

Marzęda-Młynarska K.

Historia i Polityka

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2017

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issue 20(27)

31-48

EN

Food constitutes the basic human need. Without food it is impossible to meet other needs. Southeast Asia – with its growing population, deteriorating environmental conditions, exposure to climate change and rapid economic development – is particularly exposed to its negative consequences. This analysis is based on the assumption that single states cannot achieve food security without some degree of international cooperation. The goal of the paper is to analyze the changing paradigms of food security governance in Southeast Asia and identify opportunities and constraints to regional food security governance in the ASEAN context.

8

America's Encounters with Southeast Asia, 1800–1900: Before the Pivot by Farish A. Noor (A Book Review)

88%

Feener R. M.

Review of International American Studies

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2019

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vol. 12

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issue 1

131-136

EN

R. Michael Feener's review of America's Encounters with Southeast Asia, 1800–1900: Before the Pivot by Farish A. Noor.

9

Current International Situation in the South China Sea the Path to Confrontation?

88%

Kościelniak K.

Reality of Politics

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2013

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issue 4

138-149

EN

In recent years, the South China Sea area has become the arena of competition between the countries of Southeast Asia that set up claims to maritime areas and the islands, and, all the more, want to control and exploit what can be found under the seabed, namely the deposits of oil and gas. The situation in the area cannot even be resolved by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (Montego Bay, 1982). Apart from the resources found in the sea and under the seabed, this body of water is an important shipping route, which makes it a strategically significant area for each of the countries located there, or those whose interests involve the South China Sea. In this work, I describe the current situation in the waters of South China Sea: whether the countries bordering it strive for conflict or just secure their interests. It turns out each of the states will set up demands to the islands on this sea and especially to everything that lives in the sea and is to be found under the seabed. Minor, and also more significant incidents will happen, but it does not seem likely that any serious open conflict between the states of the region will break out in the close future. None of the countries pursues it and they do everything they can to maintain the status quo.

10

Drugs and State Vigilantism as a Strategy of Political Activity: The Example of Thailand, the Philippines, and Indonesia

88%

Bielawski K.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2023

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issue 3(53)

43-54

EN

The problem of distribution and consumption of intoxicating substances is considered a socially harmful phenomenon and Southeast Asia is a region particularly affected by drugs. In the face of this challenge, the heads of many states undertake radical actions, going beyond the legal framework, referred to as state vigilantism. Based on the example of three selected political leaders (Thaksin Shinawatra, Rodrigo Duterte and Joko Widodo), the author points out how radical strategies for fighting the drug problem contribute to increasing popularity, even though the problem has not been resolved since the early 1970s. Cross-comparison analysis of the three mentioned cases aims at identifying sources of effectiveness and attractiveness of populist methods that have not changed significantly for fifty years. Among them the author argues that vigilantism grows out of populism and takes the form of a spectacle containing such elements as dehumanising discourse, extrajudicial killings and the theme of the nation’s morality at risk.

11

Linguistic diversity and ensuring the rights of ethnic minorities in Southeast Asia

75%

Do N. D. M.

Edukacja Humanistyczna

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2018

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issue 1

45-53

EN

Under human rights-based approach, language is seen as the primary means for communicating the needs and implementation of human rights. In judicial activities, in the least developed countries and developing countries, ethnic minorities may face barriers even when performing the most basic human rights. Nowadays, the Southeast Asian has over 700 ethnic groups living together. In the context of linguistic diversity in Southeast Asia so, the issue on ensuring the rights of ethnic minorities in the countries in this area is set out urgently. This article will present on linguistic diversity in Southeast Asia and ensuring the rights of ethnic minorities in this region.

PL

Zgodnie z podejściem opartym na prawach człowieka, język jest postrzegany jako podstawowy sposób komunikowania potrzeb oraz przestrzegania praw człowieka. W najsłabiej rozwiniętych krajach i krajach rozwijających się mniejszości etniczne podczas działań przed sądem mogą napotykać bariery nawet w przypadku najbardziej podstawowych praw człowieka. Obecnie w Azji Południowo-Wschodniej mieszka ponad 700 grup etnicznych. W związku z różnorodnością językową kwestia zagwarantowania praw mniejszości etnicznych w krajach w tym obszarze jest pilna. W artykule przedstawiono różnorodność językową w Azji Południowo-Wschodniej i kwestie gwarancji praw mniejszości etnicznych w tym regionie.

12

Chiński model transformacji i rozwoju w posocjalistycznej Azji Południowo-Wschodniej

63%

Bolesta A.

Zoon Politikon

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2017

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issue 8

275-311

PL

Artykuł poświęcony jest zastosowaniu chińskiego modelu transformacji i rozwoju w posocjalistycznej Azji Południowo-Wschodniej, w tym w Mjanmie, Laosie i Wietnamie. Główną tezą jest stwierdzenie, iż w okresie transformacji systemowej wszystkie wyżej wymienione kraje szeroko posiłkowały się powyższym modelem. Pierwsza część artykułu opisuje istotę posocjalistycznej transformacji; druga analizuje chiński model transformacji i rozwoju oparty na koncepcji posocjalistycznego państwa rozwojowego; trzecia jest opisem transformacji w krajach kontynentu azjatyckiego; czwarta obrazuje adaptację modelu chińskiego w posocjalistycznej Azji Południowo-Wschodniej.

EN

The article discusses the implementation of the Chinese model of transformation and development in post-socialist Southeast Asia, namely, Myanmar, Laos and Vietnam. It argues that during the systemic transformation, all the above-mentioned countries have widely used the model. The text consists of four parts; first, it describes the essence of post-socialist transformation; second, it analyzes the Chinese model of transformation and development based on the concept of post-socialist developmental state; third, it overviews the transformation in Asia; fourth, it illustrates how the Chinese model was adapted in post-socialist Southeast Asia.

13

War on Terror and Islamisation of Brunei

63%

Partow N.

Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka

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2021

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vol. XLIV

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issue 3

115-127

EN

The ‘War on Terror’ narrative placed the Muslim countries of Southeast Asia in a complex situation for which many of them were not prepared. Rising from the ashes of colonialism, Southeast Asian states with Muslim majorities had been struggling to develop a pragmatic approach towards religious and national identities of their states. Amongst the many Muslim states in the region, Brunei offers an interesting case. Brunei considered it national identity to be based on Malay identity and Islam. From the end of the Cold War and colonisation until the September 11 era, it considered itself a Malay Muslim country but followed the legal codes and political systems they inherited from the British colonial times. Pressure from the US during the Cold War encouraged the first wave of Islamisation in Brunei aiming to centralise political and religious powers in the hands of the Sultan. The ‘War on Terror’, however, transformed this dynamic in Brunei. This transformation has weakened secular ideas and political forces in the country by giving more power to religious forces in Brunei’s legal system. By studying Brunei, this paper demonstrates how the ‘War on Terror’ empowered religious forces politically by igniting a competition between the Sultan and religious forces over the degree of their religiosity. This competition has ignited the second wave of Islamisation that is different from the first one in terms of its goals, agency and the version of Islam they promote.

PL

Narracja, jaką przyjęto w czasie wojny z terroryzmem, doprowadziła państwa muzułmańskie Azji Południowo-Wschodniej do sytuacji, na którą wiele z nich nie było przygotowanych. Państwa te, powstałe z popiołów kolonializmu, walczyły o wypracowanie pragmatycznego podejścia do religijnej i narodowej tożsamości. Wśród nich szczególnie interesującym przypadkiem jest Brunei, państwo zbudowane na tożsamości malajskiej i islamie. Od końca zimnej wojny i kolonizacji do wejścia w erę rozpoczętą przez ataki z 11 września Brunei uważało się za malajskie państwo muzułmańskie, przestrzegające kodeksów prawnych i systemów politycznych odziedziczonych po brytyjskich czasach kolonialnych. Jednak już presja Stanów Zjednoczonych podczas zimnej wojny sprzyjała pierwszej fali islamizacji Brunei, mającej na celu scentralizowanie władzy politycznej i religijnej w rękach sułtana. „Wojna z terrorem” zmieniła dynamikę tego procesu, osłabiła świeckie idee i siły polityczne w kraju, dając siłom religijnym większe znaczenie i władzę w państwie. Artykuł ten pokazuje, w jaki sposób „wojna z terrorem” zwiększyła rywalizację sił religijnych z sułtanem o znaczenie religii w państwie. Ta walka zapoczątkowała drugą falę islamizacji, różniącą się od pierwszej celami oraz rodzajem promowanego islamu.

14

Сountering СOVID-19 as a tool for Hybrid Influence of Russia and China on Regional Subsystems of International Relations: European and Asian Dimensions

63%

Shevchuk O., Tykhonenko I.

Проблеми всесвітньої історії

|

2022

|

issue 17

158-182

UK

У ХХІ ст. система міжнародних відносин зазнала трансформацій, зокрема і зі сторони нетрадиційних детермінуючих чинників. Це дослідження акцентує увагу на впливі пандемії COVID-19 на модернізацію політики великих держав, які почали використовувати контрзаходи пандемії як інструмент свого впливу на майбутній пост-коронавірусний міжнародний порядок. Автори аналізують особливості використання «твердої сили» (економічний тиск) і «м’якої сили» (економічна допомога, культурна взаємодія), а іноді і гібриду цих інструментів на прикладі Росії та Китаю з метою лобіювання власної позиції в умовах пандемія COVID-19 у відповідних геополітично близьких регіонах – Європі та Південно-Східній Азії. У цьому дослідженні аналізуються всі вищезазначені особливості у певний хронологічно визначений період – початок світової пандемії COVID-19, зокрема, 2020 рік. Виявлено, що Росія найбільш активно використовувала вплив початку глобальної пандемії на європейський напрям зовнішньої політики апелюючи до енергетичного фактору та формування іміджу «миротворця» та ролі «месії» в регіоні. У дослідженні Італія є прикладом використання гібридного впливу з боку Росії, поширення фейків і представлення «слабкості» ЄС на початку пандемії у швидкому політичному реагуванні на загрозу. Південно-Східна Азія стала регіоном китайської зовнішньої політики у протидії COVID-19, де китайська «маскова дипломатія» виступає як контрзахід для подолання конфлікту в Південно-Китайському морі, формування системи «підпорядкування» та реалізації ідеї «спільноти єдиної долі». У результаті дослідження виявлено, що Росію та Китай можна охарактеризувати як держави, які мають політичні режими зі специфічними інструментами та механізмами реалізації політики. Офіційні Пекін і Москва мають на меті не лише посилити свій вплив у сусідніх регіонах, а й протистояти США. Аналізуючи політичні дії та механізми, які використовували Росія та Китай на початку пандемії, автори підтвердили, що обидві країни прагнуть використовувати «дипломатію вакцин» як ефективний інструмент впливу на міжнародний порядок у пост-коронавірусу добу.

EN

In the XXI century the system of international relations has undergone transformations, including non-traditional determinants. This research drew attention to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on modernization of the policies of great powers, which began to use pandemic countermeasures as a tool of their influence on future post-COVID international order. The authors analyze the peculiarities of using “hard power” (economic pressure) and “soft power” (economic aid, cultural interaction), and sometimes a combination of these tools on the example of Russia and China in order to lobby their own position under the pandemic of COVID-19 in the relevant geopolitically close regions – Europe and Southeast Asia. This research analyses all above mentioned peculiarities based on chronological period – at the beginning of pandemic situation in 2020. It was found that Russia most actively used the effects of the beginning of global pandemic on the European direction of foreign policy, under the impact of energy factor and the formation of the image of “peacemaker” and the role of “messiah” in the region. In the study, Italy is an example of the use of hybrid influence from Russia, the spread of fakes and the presentation of the “weakness” of the EU at the beginning of the pandemic in a rapid political response to the threat. Southeast Asia became the region of Chinese foreign policy in counteracting COVID-19, where China’s “mask diplomacy” acts as a countermeasure to overcome conflict in the South China Sea, form a system of “subordination” and realization the idea of “community of common destiny”. The findings reveal that Russia and China can be characterized as states that have political regimes with special tools and mechanisms for policy implementation. Beijing and Moscow not only aim to strengthen their influence in neighboring regions, but also to oppose the United States. Analyzing political actions and mechanism that Russia and China used at the beginning of pandemic, the authors confirmed that both countries aim to use “vaccine diplomacy” as an effective tool for influencing the coronavirus international order.

15

Relations Between Singapore and the People’s Republic of China in the Light of Donald Trump’s New Southeast Asia Policy

63%

Chatys M.

International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal

|

2019

|

vol. 23

|

issue 1

133-148

EN

The aim of the article is to analyze the relationship between Singapore and the People’s Republic of China in the light of the current policy of the President of the United States Donald Trump. The point of reference for the presented analysis is the foreign policy of the former President Barack Obama, based on the strategy known as “pivot to Asia” – the strategic turnabout of the United States to the Asia-Pacific region. One of its main objectives was the signing of a multilateral agreement on the establishment of a free trade zone, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), bringing together 12 countries. The main subject of the present analysis is to examine the impact of Donald Trump’s decision of January 2017 to withdraw from the TPP trade agreement on the relations between the remaining signatories of the agreement, as well as to examine Beijing’s actions, which may seek to increase its sphere of influence in Asia through the breakdown of TPP. The main part of the research is focused on the triangle politics concept in international politics, which will include China, Singapore and the United States. Besides the two largest economic powers, Singapore is included because of its membership in the TPP and ASEAN, and due to its strong economy and its population (predominantly) of Chinese origin it can be viewed as the “fifth column” or may otherwise play a role in the Greater China concept.

16

Historyczne wyznaczniki polityki Chin wobec regionu Pacyfiku Zachodniego: Zhongguo, huaqiao

45%

Mencel M. T.

Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość

|

2016

|

vol. 13

317-338

EN

The considerations on determinants of Chinese activity to areas of the western Pa-cific revealed the presence of relevant factors, i.e. historical conditions and, in particular, sinocentric ideology of China and the policy of China to the diaspora, living in areas of Southeast Asia for a number of years. The sinocentric concept of the place and role of China in the international environment involved the dominant role of China, and the secondary role was attributed to other nations. In accordance with this dogma, formal relations with China require recognition of their sovereignty. At the same time, disobedience is considered the violation of the established order and the rejection of “the will of the heavens”. Sinocentrism also inspired the idea of designating the main place for Chinese Han nationality, whose interests are strongly identified with the in-terests of all citizens, and the phenomenon of social integration involves mainly assimi-lation, which is a tool to expand and strengthen Chinese sovereignty. If the assimilation process failed, China involved the solutions based on force. Such a solution should be expected towards the most important areas of the western Pacific, and, in particular, the East China Sea and the South China Sea.

Refine search results

Cooperation for forest protection in Southeast Asia: the role of Japan and its domestic interest groups

DEVELOPMENT PROBLEMS OF THE SOUTHEAST ASIAN ECONOMIES

Narcotics Smuggling Routes in the Southeast Asia Region (Case Study in the Riau Province, Indonesia)

Narcotics Smuggling Routes in the Southeast Asia Region (Case Study in the Riau Province, Indonesia)

Impacts of the current economic crisis on Southeast Asian labour markets

The Background of the Disputes over the South China Sea Islands

Food Security Governance in the Southeast Asia Region: from National to Regional Governance

America's Encounters with Southeast Asia, 1800–1900: Before the Pivot by Farish A. Noor (A Book Review)

Current International Situation in the South China Sea the Path to Confrontation?

Drugs and State Vigilantism as a Strategy of Political Activity: The Example of Thailand, the Philippines, and Indonesia

Linguistic diversity and ensuring the rights of ethnic minorities in Southeast Asia

Chiński model transformacji i rozwoju w posocjalistycznej Azji Południowo-Wschodniej

War on Terror and Islamisation of Brunei

Сountering СOVID-19 as a tool for Hybrid Influence of Russia and China on Regional Subsystems of International Relations: European and Asian Dimensions

Relations Between Singapore and the People’s Republic of China in the Light of Donald Trump’s New Southeast Asia Policy

Historyczne wyznaczniki polityki Chin wobec regionu Pacyfiku Zachodniego: Zhongguo, huaqiao