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1

Mary Kaasiku ja Gustav Kallasto rahvaluulekogu ning kirjavahetus

100%
Goršič A.
Mäetagused
|
2020
|
vol. 78
131-154
EN
The broader source material for this article is the Soviet-era correspondence of the Folklore Department (FD) of the Fr. R. Kreutzwald State Literary Museum, today the Estonian Folklore Archive of the Estonian Literary Museum. This collection consists of letters and postcards of nearly 400 people, as well as transcripts of the FD staff letters to their contributors. The total volume amounts to roughly 4,000 pages and mainly covers the period from the 1950s to the first half of the 1990s. The article also discusses the contributions of Virumaa correspondents Mary Kaasik and Gustav Kallasto to the department, more specifically the folk medicine material collected by them, and focuses on Kaasik and Kallasto’s correspondence with the department, with the main emphasis on the personal health issues in their letters. Mary Kaasik and Gustav Kallasto were among those who collected folk medicine material according to the 1959 survey plan, assembled in co-operation with the folklorists and medical doctors. Assessing the total amount of material collected by Kaasik and Kallasto (over 3300 pages), the folk medicine material is not very large (over 200 pages), but it is one of the topics in which Mary Kaasik and Gustav Kallasto wrote down personal knowledge or experiences. The correspondence shows that their health problems were constantly reflected both in their letters and as short comments among traditional folk medicine material. Mary Kaasik was more inclined towards sharing her problems and personal knowledge and was the one who wrote to the department on behalf of both collectors. In general, it is concluded that personal health has been an important topic in the letters of the contributors to the folklore department. Health problems were a major obstacle to commuting and attending seminars; so messages about the health of oneself, one’s relatives or other collectors or informants are part of the content of the letters. On the other hand, health also comes to the fore in the letters of folklorists, who in turn informed their contributors about their own or their colleagues’ health, if deemed necessary. At the same time, writing about health issues creates an interesting dialogue thread between the correspondents and the folklorists, with mutual encouragement and pleas to take care of one’s health. Thus, a rather personal life goes hand in hand with the practical requirements stated in letters on collecting and archiving. Thus, much data on health can be found in the department’s correspondence. Health-related messages are personal and trusting, the majority of correspondents did not have internal obstacles to share their health worries and to enquire for folklorists’ health. It meant sharing problems and probably provided some well-deserved mental relief. On the other hand, these kinds of letters also show the correspondents’ sense of mission – even when they were off sick, they were eager to get back to the field again.
2

Tegelased eesti kolme rahva naljades (1964–2012)

100%
Krikmann A.
Mäetagused
|
2012
|
vol. 52
85-110
EN
The present article gives a statistical overview of the characters of Estonian three nation jokes throughout three periods: the Soviet period, the 1990s, and the 21st century. The following subtopics are discussed: 1) The Zipfian distribution of parameters of our joke corpus that complicates text- and type-based statistical analyses (so-called “Zipf’s curse”); 2) The general temporal dynamics of the material and changing of the frequencies of ethnic characters through the three periods of observation; 3) The correlation between the “sequential number” (position) of the character in the text and its function: changes in frequencies of different ethnic characters as “initialisers”, “follow-uppers”, and “punch line-makers” throughout the three periods; the salience of the Estonian as an ethnic figure in the 21st century; exceptional texts with more or fewer than three characters and, related to it, problems of the joke structure (syntagmatic triad versus paradigmatic-parallelistic chain, etc.).
3

Rahvaluule opetamise alguskumnendid Tartu Riiklikus Ulikoolis. Eduard Laugaste 110

100%
Jaago T.
Mäetagused
|
2019
|
vol. 75
117-140
EN
The professorship of Estonian and Comparative Folklore was established at the University of Tartu in 1919. Among others, Eduard Laugaste (1909–1994) studied folkloristics here. His first research studies, including his master’s thesis titled “The Song of the Nightingale”, which he defended in 1937, mainly dealt with bird sounds. This topic guided the researcher to use the historic-geographic method, a widespread method in folkloristics at the time, but also to reflect on the relationships of literature and folklore. He studied archival materials that had been created in the course of pupils’ folklore collecting campaigns. It turned out that many of the texts written for the archives did not come from songs of oral tradition, but rather from textbooks. Laugaste also studied the international counterparts of Estonian bird sounds. After defending his master’s degree, Laugaste stayed at the university to write his doctoral dissertation on songs of lamentation. At the same time, he was working as a schoolteacher. The situation changed drastically with the Soviet occupation in 1940 and the events of World War II in Estonia in 1941–1944. In this period, Laugaste remained away from the university. After the front had moved across the city of Tartu, and the Soviets had reinstated their power, the university continued operation. As the former scholars of folklore, Professor Walter Anderson and Acting Professor Oskar Loorits, had emigrated to the West, Eduard Laugaste was invited to teach folklore. Due to his educational background, he leaned on continuity in folkloristics. Yet he had to adapt to the principles of Soviet folkloristics (which viewed folklore as a part of literature), as well as to Marxist-Leninist ideology. The article deals with Laugaste’s activities from 1944 to the end of the 1950s, based on three sources: the university documents of these years, Laugaste’s research studies, and memoirs of that time. The paper reveals Eduard Laugaste’s commitment to teaching (translating and preparing teaching materials, using modern means to make educational or documentary films) and research (studies of folk songs, folk narratives, and the history of folkloristics). The evolution of Eduard Laugaste’s folkloristic views can be followed from his student years to the end of the 1950s. This is characterised by the defining of folklore in the narrower and wider sense (in the former case, the folklore genres that could be investigated using methods of literary research – in line with the principles of the Soviet folkloristics; in the latter, folklore encompassed the whole cultural tradition). He maintained the position that folklore belonged to the past (as opposed to recognising the existence of the contemporary Soviet folklore). His interest in literary research and the changes in the theory of folklore in the pre-war period led him to study the folk song – its imagery and the information contained in songs about social relationships. In the research of folk narratives, he focused on the delimitation of genres of different types of folk narratives. For example, he distinguished everyday life stories ‘pajatus’ from legends ‘muistend’ (Laugaste’s teacher Oskar Loorits had classified such stories as personal and domestic life narratives). In humour, besides the classical joke ‘naljand’ he also pointed out a relatively later type of folklore, the punchline joke ‘anekdoot’. In conclusion, it might be said that on the one hand, the observed period in Laugaste’s work represents the ensuring of continuity in folkloristics, and on the other hand, the preparation of the ground for the emergence of the next generation of folklorists in the 1960s.
4

Noukogude aeg elulugudes – ‘katkestus’ või ‘jarjepidevus’

86%
Jaago T.
Mäetagused
|
2014
|
vol. 57
7-28
ET
The article springs from the discussion on the depiction of Estonian history in autobiographical writing, in which researchers have pointed out either the cultural continuity or cultural rupture. The author deals with ‘rupture’ and ‘continuity’ as interrelated, mutually conditioning phenomena, asking how this relation is disclosed in life writing. For research the author selected autobiographies narrated in the period from 1989 to 1998 from the life writing collection of the Estonian Cultural History Archives. The 18 analysed stories depict life in Stalinist prison camps. It is assumed that in the life narratives that are concerned with prison experiences, the cultural, everyday and political disruptions are particularly clearly outlined. The thematic analysis of the stories reveals that narrators concentrate on prison experiences related to food, work and death. The axis supporting the narratives comes to the fore through linguistic images: the narrators, former prisoners of the Stalinist camps, perceive themselves as being outside the borders of civilisation, deprived of human treatment. It is significant that the stories do not present much information about the development of the authors’ relationships with their families after the prison camp. How the prison camp period influenced later personal lives was told by only one of the authors of the studied narratives. The stories were narrated at the end of the Soviet period (during Perestroika), or in Estonia after the restitution of independence. By that time, approximately 40 years had passed since the events, and aspects of personal life had been solved and discussed. On the public level, an open discussion on these topics started namely at the end of the 1980s. Then, at the end of the Soviet period, also the rehabilitation of the repressed people started, opening a dialogue between the individual and the state institutions on the topic of repression. The studied life stories also belong to this period: it was the period when my story became our nation’s story. Ruptures in these stories are primarily associated with political upheavals, which also broke the expected sequence of personal life events. Yet, at the same time, the rupture did not interrupt the historical or cultural process, but rather, by describing self-image and situations, brought out the aspect more meaningfully. As a result of the analysis of the texts, the author came to the conclusion that in these stories the topic of humanity rather than the problem of political and cultural rupture and continuity is in the foreground.
5
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Content available

Викладачі Київського державного університету в період сталінських репресій (1933 – 1941 рр.) (Vikladachі Kiїvskogo derzhavnogo unіversitetu v perіod stalіnskikh represіjj (1933 – 1941 rr.))

72%
Казьмирчук (Kazmirchuk) М. M.
Pomiędzy. Polonistyczno-Ukrainoznawcze Studia Naukowe
|
2016
|
issue 2
55-72
RU
Восстановление системы классических университетов после ряда экспериментов советской власти над системой образования способствовало возрождению и Киевского государственного университета. Однако сталинские репрессии еще больше усугубили положение как преподавателей и студентов, так науки в целом. Следствием политических репрессий и преследований преподавателей Киевского государственного университета стало падение уровня преподавания. Биографии отдельных преподавателей университета в период с 1933 по 1941 гг. являются доказательством жесткой репрессивной политики тоталитарного советского государства.
EN
Restoring classic university system after series of experiments of Soviet authority over the education system contributed to the revival of the Kiev State University. However, further Stalin’s repressions aggravated the situation of teachers and students and the science in general. Th e consequence of political repression and persecution of the teachers of the Kiev State University was the fall of the level of teaching. Biographies of individual faculty members in the period from 1933 to 1941 are proof of cruel repressive policies of the totalitarian Soviet state.
6
Content available remote

Транслитерация казахских антропонимов на русский язык в советский период

58%
Temirgazina Z., Andryuchshenko O., Valova M.
Acta onomastica
|
2023
|
vol. 64
|
issue 2
388-406
EN
The article examines the issue of transliteration of Kazakh personal names into Russian in the Soviet era. At that time, personal names were recorded in the documents exclusively in Russian. There were no scientifically based methods of transliteration from Kazakh into Russian. The Russian transliterations of Kazakh anthroponyms at that time were distinguished by multivariance, inconsistency with the original phonetic image. In the course of the analysis of the academic dictionary reference book of Kazakh names and their spellings in Russian by Dzhanuzakov, Yesbayeva in 1988, the most common methods of transliteration were identified as graphic-phonetic (75.99%), and graphic (5.72%). 18.12% of Kazakh names have a one-to-one correlation with transliteration in Russian. The multivariance and distortions in the Russian transliteration of Kazakh names are partly a consequence of the difference in the phonetic and graphic systems of both languages and partly the general policy of russification and ignoring the linguistic and cultural needs of the peoples of the USSR. Nowadays, these problems are being gradually eliminated, and instructions for uniform transliteration into Russian are being developed.
CS
Tento článek zkoumá problém přepisu kazašských osobních jmen do ruského jazyka v období Sovětského svazu. Osobní jména byla v té době v dokumentech uváděna výhradně v ruštině, přičemž neexistovaly žádné vědecké metody a pravidla přepisu z kazaštiny do ruštiny. Ruské přepisy kazašských antroponym se v tomto období vyznačovaly velkou variantností a byly nekonzistentní s původní fonetickou podobou. Na základě analýzy materiálu akademického slovníku kazašských jmen a jejich zápisu v ruštině (Dzhanuzakov – Yesbayeva, 1988) lze jako nejčastější způsoby přepisu identifikovat způsob tzv. graficko-fonetický (75,99 %) a grafický (5,72 %). Ve zkoumaném materiálu je 18,12 % jmen, jejichž přepis vykazuje s ruštinou korelaci jedna ku jedné. Velká variantnost a komolení kazašských jmen v ruském přepisu byla částečně dána rozdílem ve fonetickém a grafickém systému obou jazyků a částečně byla způsobena rusifikací a ignorováním jazykových a kulturních potřeb různých národů, které byly součástí SSSR. V současnosti jsou tyto problémy postupně odstraňovány a vznikají instrukce, jakým způsobem jména do ruštiny jednotně přepisovat.
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