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EN
Timothy Snyder’s "Bloodlands". Critical comments on the construction of historical landscapeJürgen Zarusky's text is an extensive deconstruction of Timothy Snyder's narration presented in Bloodlands. The narration is based on the assumption, that both regimes – Nazi and Soviet – and their extermination practicies were similar. In Bloodlands Stalin's crimes are presented as a form of ethnic extermination. Thus Snyder suggested ideological kinship between both dictators without analysing specific ideologies. Although the author specifies the differences between these two ideologies he does not ask about their significance to the enemy image and extermination practicies. Snyder's narration concentrates excessively on Poland – as the core of “bloodlands”. In the closing chapter of the book Poles are depicted as the actual martyrs of “bloodlands” in Poland, as well as on the territory of the Soviet Union. Yet up to this day there are ethinc gorups – like Sinti and Romany -  who have to fight for the recognition of their tragic experiences as the victims of crimes commited by German authorities. The author also does not mention about the victims of the agressive wars against the Soviet Union. Thus the point of Bloodlands is not to present all the victims of totalitarianism and the war, all the victims from “bloodlands”, but to present only the victims selected by the author. „Skrwawione ziemie” Timothy Snydera. Krytyczne uwagi na temat konstrukcji krajobrazu historycznegoTekst Jürgen Zarusky'ego to obszerna dekonstrukcja narracji Timothy Snydera zaprezentowanej w książce Skrwawione ziemie. Zasadza się ona na założeniu, że oba reżimy - niemiecki i radziecki - oraz ich praktyki eksterminacyjne były bardzo do siebie zbliżone. W książce przedstawiono stalinowskie zbrodnie masowe jako formę etnicznej eksterminacji. W ten sposób Snyder zasugerował ideologiczne pokrewieństwo między obu dyktatorami, nie podejmując się analizy konkretnych ideologii. Chociaż wymienia różnice między nimi, jednak nie pyta o ich znaczenie dla obrazu wroga i praktyk eksterminacyjnych. Narracja Snydera nazbyt koncentruje się na Polsce jako jądrze „skrwawionych ziem”. Polaków przedstawia w końcowym rozdziale jako właściwych męczenników „skrwawionej ziemi”, tak w samej Polsce, jak na terenie Związku Radzieckiego. Tymczasem niektóre grupy muszą do dziś walczyć o uznanie swojego tragicznego losu prześladowanych, jak choćby Sinti i Romowie, którzy masowo byli mordowani przez nazistowskie władze. W Skrwawionych ziemiach nie pojawia się słowo na ich temat. W książce nie znajdują także odbicia ofiary wojen zaczepnych, szczególnie skierowanych przeciwko Związkowi Radzieckiemu. W pracy Snydera nie chodzi zatem o wszystkie ofiary totalitaryzmu i wojny, w tym także nie wszystkie z terenów „skrwawionych ziem”, lecz o ich wybór dokonany przez autora.
EN
The main objective of this paper is to analyze the Communist Party and Komsomol policy concerning informal youth associations in Soviet Ukraine. The author paid considerable attention to the factors that caused the emergence of informal associations’ phenomenon. It is shown that if up to the first half of the 1980s state structures preferred repressive methods of influence on informal youth associations, then from the mid-1980s onwards the policy of party-state leadership changed using the principle of cooperation according to a differentiated approach to associations. This led to a decrease in destructive activities of certain associations and overcoming tensions between the informal youth and public structures. However, in general, the authorities failed to establish constructive cooperation with informal youth associations. Informal organizations became politicized, opposition informal associations formed and consolidated in the second half of 1988. Their authority among the youth was growing amid the decay of official youth structures.
EN
The article conсiders confrontation of soviet system and filmmakers, degree of freedom of artistic creativity of intellectuals in totalitarian state, as well as system of punishment that was used against diссidents. The art of cinema as being most massive and influential has received considerable attention from the Soviet state. Ideological format of cinematography development has remained unchanged for decades, its dogmatism and conservatism became a powerful factor in distorting public consciousness. Cinema was to promote communist consciousness of the people and strengthen links with practices of building socialist system. The main method which was available to filmmakers in their works is socialist realism and it was used as basiс for creation of high artistic works that glorified heroic deeds of soviet people — builders of communism. Real achievements and losses of Ukrainian cinema of the second half of the 1960s and first half of the 1980s became clear only with the beginning of liberalization of spiritual life from the time of „perestroika” and development of national cultural life in independent Ukraine.
RU
Ментальные истоки советского тоталитаризма формировались с момента жестокого военного конфликта в период установления советского режима в Украине. Затяжное военное противостояние нескольких военно-политических сил сопровождалось насилием, погромами, беззакониями над мирными жителями, массовые страдания обесценили человеческую жизнь, усилили разочарование общества, физические и психологические травмы отразились на последующих практиках повседневной жизни, ценностных ориентациях общества. Ценности выживания и самосохранения стали доминирующими в условиях перманентного насилия над социумом. Главной чертой тоталитарного менталитета стал страх, который укрепил позицию невмешательства и пассивности, что на протяжении 1920 – 1930-х гг. облегчило советским органам возможность применять практику насилия над отдельными классами, группами общества (реквизиции имущества буржуазии, издевательства над интеллигенцией, духовенством и т.д.). Резкая инверсия ценностных ориентиров, мировоззренческих и моральных основ нации, умноженная на силовые практики советской политики, обусловили эрозию ценностей, исказили традиционные модели поведения социума, вызвали глубокие травмы массового сознания.
EN
Mental origins of Soviet totalitarianism were formed after the brutal military conflict during the establishment of the Soviet regime in Ukraine. Protracted military confrontation of several military and political forces exposed civilians to violence and lawlessness. Mass sufferring devalued a human life and intensified social disappointment. Physical and psychological injuries affected daily life and values of the society. The values of survival and self-preservation became dominant under conditions of permanent violence against society. The main characteristic of the totalitarian mentality was the fear, which consolidated the position of non-interference and passivity. During the 1920s and 1930s it facilitated Soviet authorities to use violence against some classes and groups of the society (requisition of bourgeoisie property, abuse of intellectuals, clergy, etc.). Sharp inversion of values, philosophical and moral foundations of the nation, multiplied by the forcible practices of the Soviet policy, resulted in the erosion of values, distorted traditional behavioral patterns of the society and caused deep injuries of mass consciousness.
EN
The article presents Soviet religious and ecclesiastical policy in the first period of the Second World War on Polish territories occupied by the Soviet Union. The article also shows aspects concerning functioning of the Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church which structures were on the territory subjected to the Soviet Union. The article underlines contradictions in political activities used by the Soviet authorities against protestant believers living on the territories of Western Ukraine and Belarus. The facts presented in the article abolish the concept of „liberal” religious policy led both by administration of the Communist party of the Soviet Union and the authorities of the country in 1939–1941. Active actions taken by Moscow Patriarchate which aimed to subordinate protestant believers coming from parishes submitted to the Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church on territories of Western Ukraine and Belarus have also been analyzed. It has been noticed that the secret service led Moscow Patriarchate to act to liquidate autocephaly of the Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church on the occupied territories. The NKVD was responsible for subordinating the parishes of the Church to Moscow Patriarchate. Representatives of structures of the Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church were forced to cooperate with Moscow Patriarchate. It is worth noticing that the actions taken against the Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church by the authorities of the Soviet Union were also used during the process of annexation of the Baltic countries and during Soviet – German war.
PL
В статье раскрывается содержание советской религиозно­‑церковной политики в первый период Второй мировой войны на оккупированных польских землях. Показаны условия жизнедеятельности части Польской автокефальной православной церкви (ПАПЦ), которая оказалась на советской территории. Акцентировано внимание на противоречиях в отношениях советского атеистического режима к православным в Западной Украине и Белоруссии. Изложены факты, которые опровергают концепцию «либерализации» религиозной политики советского партийно­‑государственного руководства в 1939–1941 гг. Анализируется активность Московского патриархата, направленную на переподчинение православных приходов ПАПЦ в Западной Украине и Белоруссии под юрисдикцию РПЦ. В статье доказывается, что инициатором деятельности Московского патриархата по ликвидации автокефалии Польской православной церкви на оккупированных землях были советские спецслужбы. Показано, что мероприятия по переподчинению православных приходов бывшей Польской православной церкви Московскому патриархату осуществлялись под контролем и опекою органов НКВД. Обосновывается вывод о том, что наличие в Западной Украине и Белоруссии полноценной, функциональной, численной и автокефальной православной конфессии вынудило советский режим к взаимодействию с Московским патриархатом. Доказывается, что вновьприобретенный опыт был потом использован партийно­‑государственным руководством СССР в Прибалтике и в годы немецко­‑советской войны.
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