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EN
The socio-political events of 1945-1956 are characterised by several phenomena that significantly marked the formation of tertiary education in Slovakia and determined its subsequent development. In the first years after the end of the war, attempts at political, economic, or cultural contacts with Western countries could still be observed in several Central European countries for some time. Universities maintained their traditional internal academic structure, organisation of student enrolment, content of studies, etc. This situation was mainly fostered by the needs of the country's reconstruction, which at the same time masked the political pragmatism of the new, but not yet fully strengthened, people's democratic regimes. Gradually, they became a priority concern of the Communist Party, whose aim was to gain ideological control over them. Soviet influence in education was exercised in the spirit of communist ideology, centralized state planning, and a bureaucratically controlled process of education marked by ideological influences. The paper aims to analyse the basic changes in educational models and specific features of Slovak higher education systems after the bipolar division of the world.
EN
Th is paper examines struggle between three agrarian parties – the Bulgarian Agrarian National Union “Nikola Petkov”, the Hungarian Smallholders Party and the Romanian National Peasant Party – and the local communist parties and Soviet representatives. It identifi es the pattern and forms of communist campaigns against the opposition agrarian parties and places them in the context of domestic and international developments. Th e paper discusses how the abolition of the agrarian parties contributed to the sovietization of Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania. The paper shows that the agrarian parties were suppressed through the strong presence of Soviet representatives in the Allied Control Commission in Bulgaria, Romania and Hungary; communist pressure on the agrarian parties and their adherents during the parliamentary elections; communist propaganda and accusations against the agrarian opposition of subversive activities, chauvinism, fascism, anti-Soviet feelings, revengefulness; juridical trials that initially sought to discredit and fi nally led to the prohibition of agrarian parties; a very important factor for the domination of communist parties was their leading positions in the Ministries of the Interior and the security services. The paper outlines several reasons for the emergence of agrarian opposition: communist suppression of basic civil liberties and the expansion of Soviet infl uence after the war; agrarian disagreement with the restrictions on private property in agriculture with land reforms and fears of complete collectivization of land according to the Soviet model; the severe frictions between parties in the ruling coalitions; the fundamental ideological diff erences between agrarians and communists regarding the future development of Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania; and agrarian dissatisfaction with their junior position in the ruling coalitions.
EN
The aim of the article is to analyse the place and importance of the Orthodox Church in the political culture of Ukraine after 1991. The term “political culture” is understood in accordance with the approach suggested by Kenneth Jowitt. It allows for a fairly good understanding of the reasons for which institutions and symbols associated with the Orthodox religion are so heavily involved in the political life of Ukraine. The article briefly characterizes the most important factors that make up the specificity of Ukrainian post-Soviet political culture. These are: the system of nomenclature (at the level of the elites), neopatrimonialism (at the level of the regime) and the consequences of Sovietization (at the level of the community). The way that Orthodoxy is present in behaviour and social practice which make up political culture at each of these levels is analysed in the subsequent part of the article. It seems that its effect on the political culture of Ukraine is ambivalent. This means that in some areas Orthodoxy is conducive to maintaining fixed patterns and mechanisms characteristic of post-Soviet reality, while in others it is a catalyst for change, which means implementing practices and social elements of the Western European model of political culture.
XX
During 1944-1953 the Soviet authorities tried to fill Lviv’s urban space with new ideological and emotional content, which was radically different from the Austrian and Polish ones. The Soviet and party leaders saw the city as an industrial center with the standard Soviet type of social relationsand spatial layout. The general plan of the urban development conformed to that purpose. The Soviet marking of Lviv’s urban space took place in several ways: by renaming streets (with an emphasis on the Russian-Soviet traditions including only a few Ukrainian geographic, cultural and historical names), by demolishing the old and constructing new monuments (indicative in this regard was the pantheon of Soviet soldiers, “The Hill of Glory” and the monument of Vladimir Lenin), by withdrawing sacred buildings from public space, interweaving Soviet and Communist symbols into the architecture of the city (especially in the interiors of new buildings), creating new recreational spaces aimed to perform ideological and political tasks. Despite the exorbitant ideologization of the socio-cultural sphere and a noticeable lack of creative people (arising from, among other things, the mistrust of the new government towards local artists) and funds, a significant part of the urbanspace of the postwar Lviv was filled by low-grade plaster statues of workers, farmers, sportsmen and pioneers. The superiority of the Soviet power in Ukraine was also to be visually emphasized by the red color, which dominated in numerous posters, panels and banners.
EN
In post-WWII Slovakia, art history was available only as a university field of study at Bratislava University (in 1954 regaining its name Comenius University) at the Seminár pre dejiny umenia / Seminar of Art History, a separate part of the Faculty of Arts of the university, where art history had been taught as an independent discipline since 1923 before its conversion to a department. Post-war changes in state structures and the new political system radically affected Slovak society and the education system in the country. This article is the very first attempt to present in detail the extent and character of changes in university art history instruction in the part of the socialist era of the Czechoslovak Republic. It is based on the study and comparison of previously unprocessed sources from various university and state archives and their classification in the context of known historical facts. This contribution represents an in-depth probe into the post-war efforts to build a new university foundation and system of art history instruction in Slovakia within the Czechoslovak Republic, and its Sovietization as well. The text analyzes the university environment, the curriculum, the study program of art history and the relevant changes resulting from political pressure from 1945 to 1960. They were the consequence of two directly related, significant moments in the history of Slovakia: the establishment of the Third Czechoslovak Republic in 1945 and the communist coup in 1948, which was followed by the most totalitarian period in the history of the state. The article also discusses the personal changes in the art history staff forced by the political situation (J. Dubnický, V. Wagner, V. Mencl, A. Güntherová-Mayerová, R. Matuštík, T. Štrauss, K. Kahoun). After a brief presentation of the situation in Czechoslovakia at the time, the article first deals with the ad hoc activities and efforts of scientists seeking to maintain art history studies in Slovakia at the university level immediately after the end of the war. The central issue in the article is the changes in the way of teaching resulting from the political upheaval in February 1948. Against the background of political and social changes, the new law on higher education (Act No. 58/1950), which forces significant organizational transformations, is discussed. As part of the process of Sovietization of university education in Slovakia, the modified Seminar of Art History lost its independent status for a long time, and its staff was largely replaced. At the same time, throughout this period, there was a visible tendency to stabilize the teaching system and attempts to become independent again and to develop discipline, undertaken contrary to the imposed system. The 1950s, with their new rhetoric and propaganda optimism, appear to be a decade devoid of internal consistency. It started the most totalitarian period, which lasted until Stalin’s death in 1953, but was followed by a short thaw and then by a new wave of repression after 1957, which chose victims even at the beginning of the next decade. The article focuses on two sides of the 1950s – centralization and the dominant ideological control of the Communist Party, on one hand, and on the other, the obvious effort to unify and professionalize the teaching of the discipline. The factual material presented here shows the scale of changes interpreted in the context of the political and social changes of that time. The case study provides an analysis of system efforts made in the 1940s and 1950s to establish new principles of university teaching for the history of art in Slovakia as part of the Czechoslovak Republic. It aims to broaden the factual basis and existing overview of knowledge of art history in Slovakia and supplement existing studies on the history of art history in the country (J. Bakoš, I. Ciulisová, B. Koklesová).
EN
This study contributes to the micro-history during the structural reorganization of Estonia in the 1950s by examining everyday letter exchange between the members of a family consisting of a single mother and her two daughters. The study uses a mobilities approach toward the meaning of belonging while investigating everyday places and related practices, the mentalities of individual stages of life, and symbolical relations which are influenced by structural formation. The study indicates mobile characteristics of belonging in a family’s subjective attachment to a place. The letters reflect the developments in self-identity related to the sense of belonging of two different generations influenced by rural and urban everyday life. The sense of belonging of the mother, born before World War II, is moving to the past, where the historically shaped everyday life and personal meaning-making at the rural home farm can offer symbolic and practical safety in this insecure social period. The sense of belonging of the younger daughter, considering her personal life stage and the conditions of the ruling power, is adapting to urban life, as this environment offers better possibilities for self-realization.
Biblioteka
|
2017
|
issue 21(30)
123-153
EN
The imminent post-war history of the University Library in Poznań was written in a number of chapters. The first chapter covers the time of measuring the war damages and rebuilding the existing infrastructure. The second chapter is marked by organization and development of the library’s departments. One of the major tasks to be performed by the librarians was to accommodate abandoned book collections from the Wielkopolska region, the so-called Recovered Territories and from Silesia. Things as they were, even before the last traits of the German “Universitätsbibliothek”, established during the occupation in Poznań, had been removed, the contemporary political situation dictated and imposed new Soviet-style patterns. It was from then on that the duties of a librarian included, alongside book acquisition, processing and circulation of the collection, an obligation to struggle for ideological stance of the library’s user and reader. Appropriately, the omnipresent and omnipotent Communist party and Communist state authorities introduced a number of regulations that were to secure the “proper” and adequate totality of circumstances in the activity of Polish librarianship. These notorious practices took on different forms thus shaping the successive chapters in the history of libraries in Poland and are described and discussed in the present article.
PL
Powojenna historia Biblioteki Uniwersyteckiej w Poznaniu zapisała się wieloma rozdziałami. Pierwszym był trudny okres usuwania zniszczeń. Drugim – organizowanie i rozwój działalności oddziałów bibliotecznych. Ważnym zadaniem bibliotekarzy było także zabezpieczanie księgozbiorów porzuconych i opuszczonych z terenów Wielkopolski, Ziem Odzyskanych i Śląska. Tymczasem, jeszcze zanim usunięto ślady obecności Universitätsbibliothek zorganizowanej w murach poznańskiej Biblioteki w czasie okupacji, ówczesna sytuacja polityczna narzuciła nowe – sowieckie wzorce. Odtąd powinnością bibliotekarza, oprócz gromadzenia, opracowywania i udostępniania zbiorów, była walka o postawę ideologiczną czytelnika. Wpływowe władze partyjno-państwowe wprowadziły zatem szereg zarządzeń, by czuwać nad całokształtem działalności bibliotekarstwa polskiego. Praktyki te przybierały różne formy, kreśląc kolejne karty bibliotecznych dziejów. Im poświęcony będzie niniejszy artykuł.
EN
The end of the Second World War along with the total defeat of Germany and its satellites brought a new ordering of Europe, where the countries of Central and Southeast Europe, without regard for whether they belonged among the victors or the vanquished, fell into the sphere of the Soviet Union’s influence. In significant ways, this new geopolitical situation influenced the radical social and political changes that were taking place in these countries, as well as their internal and foreign policies. Along with their northern, southern and eastern neighbors, Hungary also became part of the Soviet’s sphere of interest. The implementation of the process of Sovietization manifested within the internal politics of Hungary was manifested through a gradual constriction of political alternatives from limiting pluralism all the way to establishing a Stalinist dictatorship.
EN
The article presents the biography of Edmund Goldzamt, an architect whose scientific biography has not been told yet. Born in 1921 in Lublin, educated in the USSR, he returned to Poland in 1952. Despite his modest design achievements, he played a significant role in the Stalinization of Polish cultural life. The ideological theses he developed (drawing on Soviet guidelines) were the driving force in introducing the doctrine of socialist realism in Polish architecture and urban planning. In addition, Edmund Goldzamt was a longtime theoretician and educator; he lectured at the Faculty of Architecture of the Warsaw University of Technology and had a scientific career at the Polish Academy of Sciences. After 1956, he revised his ideological views and devoted himself to research on the social determinants of architecture and urban planning.
EN
Postwar Cultures: Art and Communism in Krakow and Leipzig On the morning of January 19, 1945, Dr. Bolesław Drobner arrived as the first representative of Poland’ s postwar government, charged with a special mission: to resurrect the city’ s arts scene and build a new, democratic culture. Six months later a music teacher named Rudolf Hartig took up his new post in Leipzig’ s bullet-riddled City Hall. Hartig was a lifelong communist who took over the city’ s Culture Department after the Nazi collapse. Drobner and Hartig became local agents in a transnational project that spanned Eastern Europe: the search for a distinctive socialist culture. This paper investigates what they did at the city level in the first half-decade after World War II. For the East European regimes that came to power after WWII, culture was not a form of entertainment but a tool of governance. Both Drobner and Hartig viewed art as a foundation of the postwar order, capable of bridging social divisions, eradicating fascist residues, and promoting a Marxist worldview. At the same time, the two officials could not simply impose their vision from above: they also had to contend with Soviet advisors and local artists, two groups that had their own notions of what art should look like. The struggle for socialist culture thus reflected broader struggles over political and social control in Eastern Europe. This paper compares cultural reconstruction in Krakow and Leipzig, two of EasternEurope’s major cities. Looking at them side by side allows us to assess the role Soviet officials played in local affairs and to refine our notion of Sovietization. The postwar program of socialist culture was not just a Soviet imposition but rather had deep native roots. Lacking concrete models or instructions, both Drobner and Hartig relied on prewar conventions, national traditions, and even fascist practice. They pursued policies that seemed to uphold the status quo and therefore provoked little opposition – even from those who opposed leftist parties. Yet these policies also expanded the authority of the state, paving the way for a radical restructuring of the cultural sphere in the years 1949/50. It was widely accepted principles like democratization that enabled the Stalinization of Polish and German culture. The policies that Drobner and Hartig developed proved to have a lasting impact on the Soviet Bloc: they prepared the ground for the Stalinist system, but also preserved local traditions that reemerged when that system collapsed.
EN
The Polish national minority in the USSR, including the BSSR, was viewed from the aspect of state security as an unreliable, subversive element. In this regard, it had to be Sovietized and Russified. In the conditions of the BSSR, there was also a specificity of the solution of the Polish question: first, the Poles were subjected to Sovietization and Byelorussification, and then to Russification. It was not possible to fully implement the plan for Sovietization and depolonization of the region and thus turn the Polish national minority into a Soviet society of power. The cultural and national specificity of the Poles of the BSSR and especially in the Grodno region has been preserved. However, the Soviet legacy in relation to the Polish national minority in independent Belarus has survived, including in the post-Soviet imperial complex “Great Belarus”, a character-istic complex of “small empires” for most of the former Soviet republics.
RU
Польское национальное меньшинство в СССР, в том числе и в БССР, рассматривалось в аспекте государственной безопасности как ненадежный, подрывной элемент. В связи с этим оно должно было быть советизировано и русифицировано. В условиях БССР была и своя специфика решения польского вопроса: сначала поляки подвергались советизации и белорусизации, а затем и русификации. Реализовать полностью план по советизации и деполонизации края и таким образом превратить польское национальное меньшинство в советское общество власти не удалось. Культурно-национальная специфика поляков БССР и особенно в Гродненской области сохранилась. Однако советское наследие в отношении польского национального меньшинства в независимой Беларуси сохранилось, в том числе в постсоветском имперском комплексе «Великой Беларуси», характерным комплексом «малых империй» для большинства бывших советских республик.
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