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EN
This article discusses the topic of food scarcity, hunger, and survival strategies in the context of the 1992–1995 Bosnian War. I open up the question of the role of food in the armed conflict using prevailingly the example of Srebrenica (and partially Sarajevo) in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where I have undertaken long-term ethnographic fieldwork between 2013–2018. I argue that the people concentrated in the UN ‘Safe Area’ of Srebrenica were intentionally subjected to mass starvation prior to the genocide. One of the most commonly adopted strategies against the food insecurity was food self-provisioning. In particular, I focus on the everyday strategies that emerged during the armed conflict with a focus on humanitarian aid and the consumption of wild and semi-wild plants. I am trying to show that the bio-cultural knowledge of food and food self-sufficiency play an important role in increasing the individual survival chance in times of overall material scarcity and starvation.
EN
Food security has been one of the most pressing issues since time immemorial. Food production and provisioning have always been demanding task, especially in times of war. An armed conflict often leads to disruption of the prevailing social order and it transforms social and economic patterns of everyday life. Moreover, wars also generally result in shortages of food, water and medical supplies, which further generates undernourishment as well as chronic hunger and famine. This article discusses the role of food in armed conflicts with an increased focus on situations when starvation is intentionally imposed on targeted populations. As Collinson and Macbeth (2014) emphasise, such intentional restriction of food by either of the sides of a conflict is a "weapon of war". These complex processes are going to be illustrated primarily on the example of the 1990s war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Nevertheless, selected events and circumstances are going to be additionally compared with historical use and social significance of salt with an emphasis on warfare. The main research focus is aimed at the former UN "Safe" Area Srebrenica and theoverall scarcity of salt in the besieged enclave during the 1990s war. Not only that during the Bosnian War, salt was purchased for precious metal items but also for those on the verge of life and death, the small amount of salt sometimes became worth more than gold.
EN
The article presents the issue of religious conflicts as acause of genocide intent. The author based hers considerations on an analysis of the war in Bosnia (1992–1995). Though it was not a religious war, religion was an important instrument in this conflict. First, it became the primary factor in defining ethnic groups — enemies and allies. Second, religious symbols and religious rhetoric were used to foster nationalist ideology, gain public support for bloody war and provide justification for aggression and mass atrocities. In this way, religious differences used for achieving political goals became the reason for one of the most shocking genocides — the Srebrenica massacre.
EN
This article elaborates on the topic of food in the context of an armed conflict. It asks what happens to the social actor and his/hers „everyday bread“ in the conditions of extreme hunger and overall material scarcity? Using the example of eating practices during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 1990s the author explores the issue of everyday subsistence strategies during the radical structural changes. She developes a thesis, that the ability of improvisation and the knowledge of the natural environment in the time of crises, significantly increases a chance of survival. Moreover, She also argues that in some situations food can be used as a tool of power and a marker of social exclusion. In extreme cases, targeted groups and individuals can be intentionally starved out. These research conclusions are based on author‘s longterm ethnographic and historical research in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in the town of Srebrenica and Sarajevo.
EN
Since the 1990s, memorials and museums devoted to the victims of the massacres perpetrated in the twentieth century have multiplied in Europe, then in the world. This social, political and cultural fact is new. It reveals a radical change in historical representation where for centuries, only the victorious hero was celebrated in official history. In this context, specific memory sites, called “victim memory places”, have emerged. The Second World War is the turning point in this history of memory. The memory of the Holocaust is the model. But other memories, often competing, have also developed recently.This study proposes to record this break in the long duration of the history. Where does this memory come from, which is attached to the victims rather than to the victors? What are the main stages of its emergence? Today, does the memory of the victim gather or oppose the Europeans? As a first step, we will try to understand why the memorials in tribute to the victims did not appear rather, despite a living tradition of victimhood. In a second step, we will analyze the causes that explain the advent of places of memory victim in Europe: the rupture of the world wars, the Shoah and the fall of the Berlin Wall. We will examine how this memory can be an issue at once symbolic and political. Lastly, through the example of the Srebrenica Genocide Memorial, we will see how this tradition has been interpreted in the light of the Muslim religion.
EN
Mutual relations between the Bosnian Kingdom and the Serbian Despotate can be observed in the period between 1402, when Prince Stefan Lazarević received the title of despot from John VII Palaeologus, until the Ottoman conquest of the Despotate in 1459. The most significant conflicts between Bosnian rulers and nobles with Serbian despots were fought over the rich Srebrenica silver mine. This town, with the fortress of Srebrenik, was located in the Middle Podrinje region, near the river Drina, which in this area represented the border between the two countries. The stronger economic rise of Srebrenica was followed during the 14th century when it gradually developed and became one of the most important mines in Southeast Europe. The seeds of the conflict around Srebrenica were sown by the Hungarian King Sigismund of Luxembourg. The Hungarian king first managed to get Srebrenica for himself, and then in the period 1411–1413, he handed it over to his vassal, despot Stefan. From this time until the end of the existence of the Serbian Despotate in 1459, Srebrenica changed its owner several times. Bosnian kings, nobles, and Serbian despots took part in the conflicts around Srebrenica, and in certain periods specific agreements were established regarding the ownership of this place, which brought in large revenues. A solid number of sources about Srebrenica have been preserved in the State Archives in Dubrovnik due to the fact that the Ragusan merchants and craftsmen saw great economic potential in this place and established a large colony. The interests of the Ragusan authorities were moving in the direction of obtaining timely information from this place, and they often sent delegations to conduct diplomatic negotiations with the local authorities regarding the status of their citizens in this place.
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