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PL
Celem pracy jest przedstawienie z perspektywy metajęzykowej poglądów Stalina na język i językoznawstwo traktowanych tutaj jako integralna część kontrolowanego przez państwo systemu propagandy w Związku Radzieckim w latach 50. XX w. Prezentacja historycznego i społecznego kontekstu, który umożliwił Stalinowi krytyczną analizę teorii językoznawczej Nikołaja Marra, poprzedza omówienie głównych aspektów tej teorii, co z kolei stanowi tło krótkiej analizy poglądów językoznawczych Stalina i ich roli w konstruowaniu propagandowego dyskursu. Zdaniem autorów wypowiedzi Stalina dotyczące języka i językoznawstwa są przejawami jego władzy nad imperium sowieckim, jego ideologią i językiem.
EN
When Stalinism was at its peak, between 1948 and 1953, there was a marked escalation in anti-Jewish manifestations by the Soviet régime, which has often been called ‘state’, ‘official’, or ‘Stalinist’ antisemitism. This article endeavours to provide an account of this by analysing the image of the ‘Jew’ in the propaganda of the time. The basis for the analysis is the concept of the ‘image of the enemy’ as a basic figure of the totalitarian ideological canon. The article races the way in which the image was filled with meanings linked with the term ‘Jew’. To this end, the author employs semiotic textual analysis, which enables her gradually to uncover the character of the signs in the propagandistic language. She focuses on two propaganda campaigns that dominated the Soviet public space in this period. One was against so-called ‘cosmopolitanism’, from January to March 1949; the other was the so-called ‘Doctor’s Plot’ from January to March 1953. This method enables her to provide evidence of the anti-Jewish orientation of the campaigns, which have so far been deduced chiefly from quantitative lists of acts of repression against specific individuals of Jewish descent. Analysis of the semantic field of the image of the ‘Jew’ then reveals the mechanisms that, because of the many layers of the sign character of this image, were used to provide reasons for the home and foreign policies of he Soviet régime, as well as to justify its problems at home and abroad. The last part of the article consists in conclusions that the author finds applicable to Czechoslovakia at that time.
3
Content available remote

Marr i marryzm

100%
EN
Nicholas Marr and his theory, mostly called the Japhetic theory or just Marrism, are not popular and well-known to modern students of linguistics. The aim of the present study is, then, to offer a concise presentation including both data about the Marrism and this author’s own interpretation of some common (albeit to a considerable extent incorrect) statements.
4
100%
Panoptikum
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2010
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issue 9(16)
144-152
EN
The aim of the paper is the analysis of aesthetic theories of Russian Avant-garde and Post-avant-garde. The author claim that an essence of the avant-garde movement was the desire to form the world in accordance with an artistic project, which should have give a harmony and a beauty of the reality, but in fact was only a reflection of the will of power of soviets. In this perspective the Soviets and Soviet art, i.e. social realism were true successors of avant-garde and ones who continued its project instead of making it dead. The main thesis here is that social realism took over the avant-garde dream of a new world and made its own, what made avant-garde itself useless.
EN
The Ukrainian Holodomor (famine-genocide) in 1932-1933 be-came for Ukrainians the same, as Holocaust for Jewries and carnage in 1915 for Armenians. As a tragedy the scales of which it is impossible to understand, hunger injured nation, leaving on its body deep social, psychological and demographic scars which carries until now. Holodomor gave up black shade on methods and achievements of the soviet system. Researchers name the different numbers of lost during holodomor, but in any case, the question is about millions of innocent victims. Taking into account indirect victims, by provisional calculations, Holodomor took away life of 14 million people. The reason of Holodomor was the policy of the Stalin-mode in relation to Ukrainians as a nation and, in particular, in relation to peasants as to the class. The primary objective of organization of artificial famine was injury of social base of resistance of Ukrainians against communist power and providing of total control from the side of the state of all layers of population. Opponents cannot explain the enormous amount of victims of famine, but deny assertions, that soviet authority could destroy people. It is not needed to explain to the oversea opponents of genocide theory, why Nazis, for example, exterminated Jewries, and they cannot imagine, that own government destroyed not political opponents, but millions far from a policy children, women and old people. The problem of Holodomor to this day has political character. Noteworthy the aspect of famine is an attempt to delete it from public consciousness. Yet to quite recent time soviet position was taken to objection of fact of famine. If all scales of tragedy got winds, obviously, it would inflict serious harm by that image of country, that Moscow aimed to create both for itself at home, and abroad. That is why authority long forbade openly talk about famine in SRSR. One of opponent's arguments of Holodomor confession in supposition that in the genocide of the Ukrainian people will accuse today's Russia. Besides, Russia provokes such idea through the statements of MFA. And although in society a consensus already formed in relation to confession of Holodomor as an act of genocide, however by virtue of insufficient knowledge, propagandas of the proper political forces and unclear position of political leaders, part of Ukrainian population does not understand the real consequences of this tragedy. Ukrainian nation is tragic nation, because its own historians continue until now to look at own history, through Russian glasses. From their point of view - there was not genocide, because in the imperial seeing there is the unique Slavonic people, two parts of which are little variously named. While hungry pestilence will remain a white spot in history, until then humanity will not see all chain genocides in XX century.
EN
The author analysed watchwords and slogans praising Stalin and simultaneously creating the image of the dictator. Their universal use led to the situation in which every individual, influenced by propaganda, behaved as if his/ her reactions were results of his/her own decisions. Building up the myth of Stalin was based on intentional and systematic shaping perception, as well as on manipulation of thoughts and behaviour of the society. Interferences in proper names were supposed to stabilize this myth. The author directed his attention to the image of the dictator popularized by literature and the press. Concluding the author suggests the following statements: a) the myth of Stalin was transitional, b) this myth has not died down, c) one should associate the myth of Stalin with the mythomania, rather than with mythology.
7
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PL
This work presents the development of mathematical linguistics and poetry theory (in particular the theory of versification, in which the great Soviet mathematician Andrei N. Kołmogorov played a significant role) in the USSR. Cybernetics – a science created in 1948 by the American mathematician Norbert Wiener – is the leading motifed issues. Issues related to the development of humanities (linguis and linking the discusstics and literature theory) are presented against the background of the political situation prevailing in Stalin's time and then, after his death, Khrushchev. In the article we try to prove that, contrary to appearances, Stalin did not play such a bad role in science as usual, which is uncritically attributed to him by many scientists.
EN
In 1920-1950, Soviet authorities used different strategies in response to Ukrainian folklore. On the one hand, they recognised folklore as the “voice of the people”, while stressing the importance of oral traditions in the formation of the “new man”, thus encouraging the collection of folklore materials. According to Soviet ideologists, folklore can be seen as a source of inspiration for poets and musicians who create new songs for the working people. For some folklorists such ideas came as an incentive for creating a new “Soviet folklore”. For decades, the Soviet propaganda machine would widely imitate the traditional Ukrainian folklore expressed in oral form, while at the same time praising the pantheon of “communist saints”. Simultaneously, the Ukrainian Soviet folklore ignored Authentic Folklore, which was often highly critical of the Soviet reality.
EN
The theme of following article is presentation of Katyń massacre and Stalinist crimes in polish handbooks for teaching of polish history in high schools. The au-thor showed the way of presentation Stalinist crimes in the early fifties (the period of stalinism) and years, when knowledge about Katyń massacre and Stalinist crimes were banned - up to present when informations about Katyń forest massacre are in every polish handbooks for teaching history.
EN
The paper addresses post-revolutionary patterns in Russian toponymic onomastics. The chapter presents and discusses standard means of forming place names: 1) related to Lenin, the father of the Soviet country: Ленинград, Ленинск, Лениногорск, Ленинский, Ленинское, Ленино, Лениндар, Ленингори, Ленинкорань, Ленинабад, Ленинакан, Ульяновск, Ульяновка, Ленина пик or Ленинаканское плато; 2) to honour Stalin and his followers: Сталинград, Сталиногорск, Сталинск, Сталин, Сталинири, Сталинисси, Сталинабад, Сталина пик or Сталина залив. Toponyms like those fulfilled the function of symbols in the light of the ongoing changes. Many of these names were changed after the transformation of the system and substituted for historic names.
EN
This article explores the Soviet Marxist perceptions of religion, based on an examination of Marx’s theory of religion. Central to the classical Marxist theory of religion is the atheist worldview, which deems that it is not religion that creates man but man who creates religion. Although Marx believed that religion was ‘the opium of the people’ and a powerful device whereby the ruling class manipulated the working class, Marx did not favour the forcible destruction of religion. He was cognizant of the benign social and cultural dimensions of religion, which were useful to individuals and social groups before religion would eventually ‘wither away’. As the first state to put the Marxist theory of religion into practice, the Soviet Marxist understanding of religion and the Soviet policy towards the Russian Orthodox Church had considerable influence on other socialist states such as China. By analysing Lenin’s and Stalin’s work on religion, and the legislation and regulations concerning religion in the Soviet Union, this article demonstrates that the atheist struggle against religion was considered by the Soviet Union to be an important component of the ‘class-struggle’ and a prerequisite for the ‘proletarian dictatorship’. The article also suggests that the making of the Soviet policy towards religion was not exclusively driven by atheist communist ideology, but had a strong element of pragmatism when the regime needed the support of believers, especially in turbulent times of economic crisis, war and expansion during the Second World War and in its immediate aftermath.
EN
This essay will firstly address the extent of Stalin’s achievements in leading the course for domestic policy of the Soviet Union and its contribution towards maintaining the country’s supremacy in the world, for example the rapid post-war recovery of industry and agriculture, and secondly, the foreign policy including ambiguous relations with Communist governments of countries forming the Eastern Bloc, upkeeping frail alliances and growing antagonism towards western powers, especially the United States of America.   The actions and influence of Stalin’s closest associates in the Communist Party and the effect of Soviet propaganda on the society are also reviewed. This investigation will cover the period from 1945 to 1953. Additionally, other factors such as the impact of post-war worldwide economic situation and attitude of the society of Soviet Union will be discussed.    
PL
Ustrój totalitarny, w przeciwieństwie do systemu demokracji przedstawicielskiej (opartego na bezosobowych procedurach), jest mocno związany z pozycją przywódcy,. Stąd też kult jednostki nie tylko służy utrwaleniu władzy totalitarnego przywódcy, ale przyczynia się do legitymizacji całego systemu politycznego. W artykule zaprezentowano propagowanie i tworzenie kultu jednostki wokół trzech przywódców państw totalitarnych: Stalina, Mussoliniego i Hitlera.
EN
The totalitarian system, in contrast to the system of representative democracy (based on impersonal procedures), is strongly related to the position of the leader. Therefore, the cult of the individual not only serves to consolidate the power of a totalitarian leader, but also contributes to the legitimacy of the entire political system. The article presents the propagation and creation of the cult of the individual around three leaders of totalitarian states: Stalin, Mussolini and Hitler.
EN
The outbreak of the German-Soviet war in June 1941 aroused enthusiasm in wide circles of Spanish society, still trying to heal its wounds after the revolution and civil war of the 1930s. Almost immediately there were calls for creating voluntary military units and sending them to Russia to fight against the hateful Bolshevism. This initiative is examined by Professor Xavier Moreno Juliá in his study The Blue Division. Spanish Blood in Russia, 1941–1945, a Polish edition of which was published in 2009. It still remains the most extensive and most comprehensive publication among works dealing with Franco’s Spain involvement on the eastern front available in Poland. In the article the author analyses the accuracy of the theses and opinions presented in the work in question, especially in the context of Polish approaches to the problem so far.
15
Content available remote

Ján Dekan K Vývoji Jazyků

75%
Jazykovedný Casopis
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2015
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vol. 66
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issue 1
5-16
EN
In 1951, in the period after Stalin’s intervention against Marrism, young Slovak archaeologist and historian Ján Dekan published a study Za stalinské riešenie otázok etnogenezy [For the Stalinist Solution of the Questions of Ethno-genesis]. The present paper shows that hidden behind the Marxist terminology, a worth reading and worth considering work on the topic of the rise and development of languages can be found. With the help of the concept of four paradigms of historical (historical-comparative) linguistics, Dekan’s study is evaluated as a text fitting into the revisionist paradigm, characteristic by the assumption of a balanced role of divergence and convergence in language development. Further relationships of the Dekan’s work to other theories and principles of language development are discussed
EN
The article focuses on the circumstances of the USSR’s breaking off diplomatic relations with Poland in April 1943. The main research problem is the sequence of events in the Polish-Soviet relations in the period from July 1941, i.e. from the signing of the Sikorski-Majski pact, to April 1943, which consequently led to their breaking. The theoretical basis is constituted by the source documents and the basic literature on the subject. The primary research method was a critical analysis of sources and literature. On the basis of the conducted research, the author argues that the matter of the graves of the Polish officers murdered in Smolensk was only a pretext to make a decision to break off the diplomatic relations with the government of General Władysław Sikorski by the USSR and to start cooperation with Polish communists gathered in the Union of Polish Patriots.
EN
The image of a political leader is considered as a discursive phenomenon, structured by a set of practices. Two practices bring together the images of Stalin and Putin: 1) use of specific nominations of a leader; 2) reproduction of laudatory slogans addressed to a leader. The gatekeeping practices and the content of leaders’ images in considered discourses are fundamentally different. The modern Russian media select the most spectacular breaking news with the participation of Putin and construct the star image, well sold to the Russian consumer. Soviet media refuse any sensationalism, covering only official and routine events with the participation of Stalin. So the contradiction is revealed between the ordinary actions of the leader and the endless praise for Stalin as a deified father.
Historia i Świat
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2023
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issue 12
301–314
EN
This article is a discourse on the main trendsetters of international economic cooperation in the Eastern Bloc in the period 1948-1953. Special emphasis is placed on the architects of cooperation between Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union, since both countries established themselves as economic leaders after the Second World War and, moreover, developed a number of specific close links between their industries. The article focuses on the role of top officials of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. In addition, the paper also explores the role of Soviet advisors who stewarded the economies of the other Eastern Bloc states, both from Moscow and as seconded delegates directly from the ministries and enterprises of the individual members of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance.
PL
Mecenat Stalina nad radziecką literaturą i sztuką został w pełni sformalizowany na początku lat trzydziestych XX w. Polityczne podporządkowanie wszystkich dziedzin kultury oraz próba jej dostosowania do ściśle określonych ideologicznych i partyjnych norm znalazły odzwierciedlenie we wprowadzonej w 1934 r. doktrynie realizmu socjalistycznego. Celem kultury stalinowskiej była sakralizacja władzy oraz pełna unifikacja i podporządkowanie życia obywateli Związku Radzieckiego socjalistycznej wizji. Osoba wodza reprezentuje tu ideę państwa, przez co zyskuje szczególny, transcendentny wymiar, przekładający się także na relację z kulturą. Stalin będąc architektem najdoskonalszego, totalnego dzieła sztuki, jakim miał być socjalizm, zyskał status nie tylko opiekuna życia kulturalnego oraz mecenasa literatury i sztuki, ale najwybitniejszego, wszechmocnego stwórcy. Stalinowska rewolucja kulturalna miała na celu wypełnienie totalnego planu wodza, jakim było stworzenie radzieckiego człowieka i nowego świata.
EN
Stalin’s patronage over soviet art and literature was completely formalized at the beginning of the 1930’s. Political subordination of all domains of culture and its ideological and party standardization were expressed by implementation of socialist realism doctrine in 1934. The very purposes of Stalinist culture were power sacralisation, fully unification and subjugation of the Soviet Union citizens life to the socialist vision. Figure of the leader represents the idea of state that yielded him as a new transcendent dimension. Stalin as an architect of excellent and total piece of art—the socialism, obtained a new special status—became not only a sponsor of entire cultural life, but also the notable, almighty creator. The main goal of Stalinist cultural revolution was to realize the total plan of its leader: creation of the Soviet Man and the new world.
EN
The article aims at explaining why the famous American diplomatist and intriguing political thinker George F. Kennan already in 1944 considered “the Polish cause” as the “all alost cause” and did not believe in the possibility of restitution of Poland as an independent country after World War II. According to Kennan, this was determined primarily by the Russo-German Nonaggression Pact signed in August 1939. Strictly speaking, by the crimes committed on the Polish population by the Soviet police authorities in 1939–1941. Another important factor was the general expansionist nature of the Soviet regime. Even the Warsaw uprising filled with the unprecedented heroism could not change anything in Stalin’s policy towards Poland.
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