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Impact of the elections to the Russian State Duma in 1912 on the Polish-Jewish relations in the Kingdom of Poland

100%
Zieliński K.
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
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2013
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vol. 20
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issue 1
EN
The period between the 1905 Revolution and the outbreak of World War I was the time of deepening controversies between the interests of the Great Powers, the formation of the political and military alliances, and the preparations for a military conflict. In the Kingdom of Poland, the territory of which – as many expected – was to become one of the main battlegrounds in the upcoming war, the growing tension in the international relations was clearly felt. This tension influenced the internal situation, in which such events as the elections to the State Duma (the Russian Parliament), the issue of self-government or the emergence of the new Chełm gubernya (Province) electrified the population. The presence of a fairly large number of Jews, and the Jewish issue raised by some political forces were the other factors shaping up the social and political relations in the Kingdom; the factors, which - a few years before the war - gained the unprecedented momentum. Although the worsening of the Polish-Jewish relations could have been observed earlier, the elections to the State Duma in 1912, in which – due to the Jewish votes – the candidate of the National Democracy (the so-called endeks), Roman Dmowski lost his battle for a seat in the Parliament, became a turning point in the history of the Polish Jews.
PL
Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim
2
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Wybory do Dumy Państwowej i Rady Państwa w Królestwie Polskim i na Ziemiach Zabranych w latach 1906–1912 w świetle korespondencji konsulów austro-węgierskich w Warszawie

86%
Szlanta P.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2023
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issue 1(174)
73-94
EN
The Austro-Hungarian diplomatic services followed the course of the election campaigns for the State Duma in the Kingdom of Poland closely. This is entirely understandable. The Sejm was a novelty in the political life of the Habsburg Monarchy’s northern neighbour. Its functioning could have had far-reaching and difficult to predict consequences for the politics of the Romanov Empire. Reports by Austro-Hungarian diplomats accurately reflected the mood of Polish public opinion and the position of individual groups. They drew attention to the deterioration of ethnic relations in the Kingdom of Poland, both between Poles and Jews and between Poles and Russians. They accurately portrayed the dilemmas of Polish society, its powerlessness and frustration, including disappointment with the State Duma. The parliamentarisation of the political system in Russia and the departure from the self-rule did not improve the position of the Polish people in the tsarist state. The results of the elections to the State Duma confirmed the dominance of national democracy in the political life of the Kingdom of Poland. The Austro-Hungarian diplomats regarded this grouping as the true representation of public sentiment and the dominant force on the Polish political scene. They were not entirely impartial in their reports. Their correspondence shows that they were sympathetic to Polish conservative circles and clearly disliked socialist groups.
3
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Sprawy honorowe z udziałem polskich deputowanych do Dumy Państwowej Imperium Rosyjskiego w 1906 i 1913 roku (na materiale prasy rosyjskiej)

72%
Ivanov A.
Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski
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2021
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vol. 1
63-72
EN
The article is concerned with the dueling incidents with participation of Polish deputies of Imperial Duma which took place in 1906 and 1913. The author reconstructs the causes, further things happening and results of these clashes as well as evidences their coverage from Russian news media and perception by Russian public. Special attention is put to the conflict of deputies belonging to the Polish group in Imperial Duma with the future Prime Minister of the Provisional Government A.F. Kerensky. The author proves that although on a moral level the injured party was Polish deputies, their chosen modus operandi was unsuccessful, and in the minds of the liberal democratic part of the Russian society Kerensky came out victor.
4
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Ograniczenie roli parlamentu w Rosji po objęciu władzy przez Władimira Putina

72%
Kołodziejski K.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
|
2022
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issue 2
161-183
EN
This article discusses the reforms of the electoral law and the law on political parties that were carried out in Russia during the first two terms of Vladimir Putin (2000–2008). These reforms were fundamental to shaping the present political system in Russia. This system is based on the state regulation of the activities of political parties and the institutionalisation of social life. The characteristic features of this system are the domination of the party of power in the party system and the marginalisation of the opposition. It leads to the limitation of the mechanisms of social control of state power. Another consequence is the loss of importance by the parliament to the executive, in particular the president. Playing the role of a political base for the Kremlin’s activities became the main factor in allowing the party to actively participate in the country’s political life. One of the consequences of this factor is the political marginalisation of the State Duma, which instead of being a place where different social interests clash, has become a voting machine for successive bills proposed by the ruling camp. All of this was ensured while maintaining the external attributes of a democratic state, such as a multiparty system and elections.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł omawia reformy prawa wyborczego oraz prawa o partiach politycznych przeprowadzone w Rosji podczas pierwszych dwóch kadencji Władimira Putina (2000–2008). Reformy te miały kluczowe znaczenie dla ukształtowania obecnego systemu politycznego w Rosji, który jest oparty na państwowej reglamentacji działalności partii politycznych oraz instytucjonalizacji życia społecznego. Charakterystycznymi cechami tego systemu są dominacja partii władzy w systemie partyjnym i marginalizacja opozycji. Prowadzi to do ograniczenia mechanizmów społecznej kontroli władzy i utraty znaczenia przez parlament na rzecz władzy wykonawczej, a w szczególności prezydenta. Spełnianie roli politycznego zaplecza dla działań Kremla stało się głównym czynnikiem przesądzającym o dopuszczeniu partii do czynnego udziału w życiu politycznym kraju. Jedną z konsekwencji tego stanu rzeczy jest polityczna marginalizacja Dumy Państwowej, która zamiast być miejscem ścierania się odmiennych interesów społecznych, stała się „maszynką” do głosowania kolejnych projektów ustaw podsuwanych przez obóz rządzący. Wszystko to zostało zapewnione przy zachowaniu zewnętrznych atrybutów demokratycznego państwa, takich jak system wielopartyjny i wybory.
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