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EN
The issue of phased growth of the town space depending on the number of inhabitants, the development and profile formation of the town in the region and on penetration of towns into the landscape around them opens up a number of questions and problems in the research in relation to the historici land use, economic history and demography. An unusual dimension of research is offered by the study of the picture of historical landscape during individual phases of town expansion all the way to the current sub-urbanizing processes based on comparative map sources of the Czech lands since the second half of the 18th century.
Mesto a dejiny
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2016
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vol. 5
|
issue 2
6 – 17
EN
In the Angevin era, the magister tavarnicorum was first of all the highest office-bearer of financial administration, but he had also other functions. Firstly the magister tavarnicorum’s function as ‘ordinary judge’ actually meant that he was at this time regarded as the main court of appeal for cases heard in towns, or the judge of towns. This function began to accrue to the magister tavarnicorum in the second half of the thirteenth century but only became fully formed in the Angevin era. The magister tavarnicorum’s judicial powers were manifested in diverse matters and can be traced through charters of privilege granted to towns and documents recording his actions in specific cases.
Studia Historica Nitriensia
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2013
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vol. 17
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issue 2
21 – 42
EN
The territory of Nitra region was quite densely populated since primeval ages. This trend continued during medieval period, after establishment of Hungarian state, as well as in centuries of early modern period. Consequently it was developing the network of cities and towns, which meditated the exchange of goods within local markets, as well as in more distant areas. At the beginning of the 16th century only one independent royal city (Skalica) could be found on this territory, except that several cities and more than 20 towns. The differentiation between cities and towns is quite problematic due to the fact, that some royal cities known in 14th century changed ownership into hands of noblemen, thus became towns and were not able to uphold the status of city.
EN
Towns are unique spaces, where urban areas coexist with agricultural ones and with woodlands. Historical, geographical and biological data are encoded in these territories, together with hidden mathematical riddles. Although they are invisible in everyday life, they can be decoded during urban games. These events, though associated mostly with large cities, have been successfully organized in towns. The purpose of this paper is to answer the questions: which educational content can be conveyed during urban games in towns, what are the possibilities and limitations associated with the organization of such games and what are the characteristics of urban games in towns (the example used is that of Głowno near Łódź).
EN
In this study, the author presents his findings on the development of burghers and towns in Slovakia in the 14th century. It continues his research and publication on the development of burghers and towns from the 9th century. The sources of evidence are charters from the 14th century. The author has researched the development of the burgher class in dozens of towns of the period. He has come to the conclusion that burghers were developed in two ways, namely: privileged, on the basis of charters; or spontaneously without any written documents. This was how groups of burghers were developed in dozens of old towns and an even larger number of new towns in 14th century Slovakia. The most profitable employment of the burghers was trade. The most developed urban life was found in Košice and Bratislava, which were two of the most important towns in the Kingdom of Hungary in the 14th century.
EN
The study examines certain elements of the policy of King Charles I concerning towns. The king issued almost 150 charters concerning more than fifty towns between 1310 and 1342. The analysis of these charters leads to the conclusion that during the reign of Charles I of Hungary the practice of donating privileges to the communities of hospes had two types following the pattern developed in the 13th century: some received the totality of privileges (towns), while others were only granted parts of them (free villages). However, it can also be noticed that from the second half of his reign new elements appear in Charles‘s policy. He gave also privileges to settlements owed by landlords, and, at the same time, the notion of a town involved it being fortified more often than before. It is worth noting that Charles I never granted the full privilege of a town to settlements in the north-eastern part of Hungary, in Transylvania or in Slavonia. The reason for this is that these regions formed the three biggest honours of Charles‘s kingdom. The owner received all the royal revenues of the territory of the honour including those of the free villages. It was not in the interest of Charles I, whose system of government relied much on the services of the honours, to decrease the income of the honours.
EN
The study presents the results of new research on the relationship between the towns and the monarch or the state in the period of re-Catholicization, especially in the second half of the 17th century. At the parliament of 1604, the Hungarian aristocracy already protested against the Rudolfine Counter-Reformation and there was also strong opposition in the free royal boroughs. The argumentation was based on the statement that according to Hungarian general law, the towns 'do not belong to the king but to the crown'. At first, re-Catholicization efforts were hindered by a lack of qualified, educated and propertied Catholics, who could hold office in the towns. There was a similar problem with appointment of parish priests in the towns. The author corrects the familiar statements, especially of older historiography, which identified the Reformation with the national party and the Catholic side with the Habsburgs, the Vienna court and the Hungarian Catholic 'anti-nationally' oriented nobility, and points to the complexity of the problem, and to the fact that the economic decline of the early modern towns is not a logical result of the weakened authority of town administrations, but of a whole complex of influences.
EN
The first document relating to royal taxes of Kremnica dates from 1375 and mentions a sum of 600 “red” florins. Various documents from the reign of Sigismund record 300 gold florins paid twice a year. The Union of Central Slovak Mining Towns headed by Kremnica began to form from the end of the 14th century and to act together. In 1424, King Sigismund granted all the towns including Kremnica to his wife Queen Barbara, and from that time they paid their tax to the queen. As head of the Union, Kremnica was given responsibility for joint accounting at the beginning of the 16th century, but it probably already had this role from an earlier date. The mining towns paid the royal tax (taxa regia) jointly. In the documented years 1507-1518, Kremnica paid about a quarter (24.87 – 27.49%) of the tax or in absolute amounts 106 – 288.67 accounting florins. The reduction of the regular tax in comparison with the previous period can be explained by the raising of extraordinary, especially military taxes and the general impoverishment of the mining towns as a result of the declining profitability of mining. The complaints to the king about these problems were so frequent that in numerous cases taxes were not charged for long periods. The share and documentation of the regular taxes gradually declined in comparison with the irregular or special taxes (visit by monarch, military taxes – the so called “subsidia” etc). In these cases, the joint tax could reach several thousand florins. Kremnica’s share may have been about a quarter. As for military taxes (“subsidia”), the towns were often willing to pay only a small part of demanded sums. They attempted to negotiate with the king to gain a substantial reduction.
EN
This study is concerned with the contemporary trends of development in the urban research in Slovak ethnology which have been evolving since the 1980s. The author summarises the findings on this orientation in the course of the last decade and, based on their analysis, identifies the main thematic trends, comments on their content and indicates the methodological connections of the current dialogue of Slovak ethnology and the urban research developing within its framework. As its broader context, the study employs the currently on-going communication of Slovak ethnology and social/cultural anthropology as two distinct disciplines. As analysis shows, urban ethnology in Slovakia has developed in three different directions in the period under review. (1) In the form of a broad current of themes and approaches it continued the research and interpretative trends which set in during the 1980s and especially during the 1990s. (2) The second developmental trend which is postulated is a successful attempt to integrate the research results of Slovak ethnologists into a European context of examination of the processes of diversity in towns, on the basis of participation in the Network of Excellence Project entitled Sustainable Development in a Diverse World. Communication with the theoretical premises of urban researches by the European social sciences (anthropology, sociology, demography and so forth) has provided Slovak researchers with an opportunity to gain new thematic and methodological stimuli which have been utilised abroad for study of the town. (3) A third direction of development in urban research is identified by the author as the research and especially the theoretical activity of the youngest generation of academic Slovak ethnologists, who in working with the empirical material gained from research of Slovak towns have declared anthropological premises and knowledge goals. Although they are not consciously developing their work in the context of urban ethnology, on closer inspection it is apparent that they have an opportunity to influence its further thematic and theoretical orientation. Their work offers a critical evaluation and use of theories from a number of social and human sciences; they point to the inescapable need to cultivate terminological discipline and reject the intuitive employment of theoretical concepts.
EN
This study deals with communications between the town of Bardejov and bishops of Eger in the Middle Ages. The author examines how the ecclesiastical power and authority of the bishops was demonstrated in their communications with the free royal town of Bardejov. The bishops’ power toward medieval towns in the Kingdom of Hungary was primarily manifested in the collection of tithes and exemptions granted in the rights of archdeacons. In the case of Bardejov, there can be found some areas where the power of bishops of Eger (frequently represented by episcopal vicars) was demonstrated. First of all, the episcopal tithe collection caused permanent disputes between the parish priest, town representatives and the bishop. The author describes how the problems were solved and the machinery of episcopal powers in these cases. Another area of communication and the manifestation of episcopal authority was that of judicial cases between burghers, which were occasionally brought before ecclesiastical court contrary to town law. A greatly significant manifestation of episcopal power in the area of the town was that of ecclesiastical rituals and symbolic communication. The study mentions various examples of episcopal presence in the consecration of churches, chapels, altars and liturgical dress.
EN
This study analyses the frequency of first names in selected religions in the town Prešov analysing the church registers of catholic, evangelic and Orthodox Church in the 19th century by concentrating on the years 1791 to 1890. The purpose of this text is to analyse the most frequent first names in a multi-religious environment and a comparison of the three churches developing side by side in closed urban system. The supporting questions also cover the most frequent birth names of twins/triplets and illegitimate children. The results of the research from the town Prešov are confronted with similar studies from the area of north Hungary whereby the research gains an over-regional dimension.
EN
Slovak and Hungarian social sciences have paid sufficient attention to research on the transformation of the ethnic identities of people living mainly in ethnically mixed regions and towns of Southern Slovakia. In the course of the 20th century, the affected population switched its ethnic identification codes depending on the assimilation political practices or the ethnic policy of the respective state authorities. The aim of this paper is to point out, through the theory of ethnic identity by political scientist Kanchan Chandra from New York (2012), the possibilities of applying an innovative analytical language to the historical and current research of assimilation processes, which enable a more exact grasping of the mechanisms of ethno-cultural changes in the Southern Slovakian region heterogenous in terms of language and culture. The inhabitants of this type of regions and towns were easily ethnicised given their potential to become holders of several types of nominal ethnic identities which were activated (assimilation) or deactivated (dissimilation) depending on the situation in various contexts of the daily public and private life. This “non-national” behaviour of the population (ethnical practice) had a causal influence on the current ethnic structure of the “lost” or “recovered” town, which can be interpreted as an expression of national indifference – the concept advocated by social scientists Tara Zahra, Jeremy King or Pieter Judson.
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