Tertullian (ca. 155-225) very often is described as a rigorist, who is burning with vengeance. Although for him the coming end is above all a time of reckoning., in his writings, as „the theologian of the hope” - as Erie Osborn has called him - a lot of thoughts about future reward can be found. In this paper the Tertullian’s teaching about eschatological reward is presented. Among his ideas of the future life the idea of resurrection of the body is found as the most important. And as the result of it Tertullian amplifies his teaching about heaven, as the being with God and Christ, as the banquet in the Kingdom of God. According to Tertullian it will be one reward - eternal life - but in different characters. The special place in his system of eschatological reward is granted to martyrs.
Tertullian in his works referred to controversial issues which had happened during persecution of the first believers of the Christ. The Christianity required from its followers even martyrdom, for which they received a priceless prize: the eternal life. The martyrdom was not ordered but was a free choice and sprang from the willpower of God. Carthaginian firmly objected to the escape during persecution. From conducted analysis of his texts can be seen that his view on this subject changed. In the period of the Catholic faith he supported the escape but converting on Montanizm disregarded it, because given that persecution originated from God, it could not be nothing bad. Particularly he condemned clergymen shirking the martyrdom as it was them that should be a model for faithful and a support in heavy moments of doubt. Carthaginian was a rigorous opponent of buying himself out from the martyrdom. According to Tertullian, since the Jesus laid down his life for all people, there was no price which could equal this act and redeem the man back from the martyrdom. Such a way of avoiding persecuting was unworthy to follow by faithful of Christ.
Q. S. F. Tertullian was one of the most prominent writers and apologists of the early Christian Church. He had two important goals with his works: on the one hand, to introduce, according to the spirit of the age, the Christian teachings embedded in contemporary Roman culture; on the other hand, to highlight and emphasize the difference between the Christian teachings and the pagan ideas. This dichotomy is characteristic of his ethical teachings as well: while he emphasizes the importance of the Christian virtues, he does not forget about their philosophical background either. Tertullian demonstrably considered Stoic philosophy as the most acceptable philosophical thinking. Virtues have an important status in the teachings of the stoic body, just as they are a fundamental part of Christian ethics. The question arises whether Tertullian’s views on virtues could have been influenced by his pagan Roman ancestor, M. T. Cicero, who also shared stoic doctrines. This is the question the present lecture tries to answer.
Following the findings of contemporary theological and religious stud- ies research, the present interdisciplinary study attempts to trace the process of adopting the originally Roman category of “religion” for referring to Christianity. The text notes, in particular, the socio-political role of religio in classical culture and the transformations that the relationship of the society of classical antiquity and the Christian community went through in the first centuries AD, especially the first Christian attempts at communication with the late classical Latin culture and the administrative structures of the Roman Empire. The adaptation of the category is traced back to Tertullian, whose conception appears to have fundamentally influenced later generations of Christians; the second part of the study therefore devotes considerable attention to his works. It is here that justified use of the category of “religion” in connection with the Christian tradition is first encountered, as an expression encompassing the doctrinal and philosophical, as well as ethical and liturgical aspects of Christianity. Analysis of the text of Tertullian’s Apologeticum shows how the apologetic literature of the second century AD conveys the Christian message in an exemplary and highly elaborate form, which serves the dual purpose of providing an adequate definition of the Christian religious identity and preserving it, as well as making it available to recipients of diverse contemporary cultural environments.
The analysis of the quotations from the works of this famous Roman philosopher and also some hints to them with a declaration of their authorship leads to the conclusion that his authority exceeded in the world of Christian literature far beyond the sphere of similarities between Stoic and Christian ethics. The early Church authors refer to Seneca almost exclusively in the dispute with the well educated opponents of Christianity who based their critics on the philosophical, very often Stoic tradition. Seneca is regarded in the circle of Christian Latin writers as the most important and almost obvious philosophical authority. Quoting his words in support of the arguments concerning various theological issues used to enhance the position in the debate.
The analysis of the writings of Tertullian at an angle of his attitude towards women encounters a lot of difficulties. On one side when addressing to women he uses rather waspish, incisive language sometimes even with a rhetorical emphasis. We can see it at some instructive, moral fragments of the letters such as De cultu feminarum or De virginibus velandis. Superficial reading of these versets could lead up to a conclusion about antifeminism of Tertullian. On the other side he highly appreciates women because of their participation by body and sole at the God’s redemption and universal resurrection. It is clearly seen at some of his theological works such as, for example, De resurrectione mortuorum. Tertullian is not a writer who habitually looks for and show every negative characteristic feature of woman’s character. All his manifestations of distrust towards women derive rather from his own character and prepossession to moral rigorism and partially reflect psyche of people constituting Christian communities at II and III centuries after Christ. At the same time we could say that the apparent discrepancy of his point of view towards women results not only from gradual changing of his attitude to women but mainly from the character of his works and aims he wanted to achieve.
The article is an attempt to analytically portray the scene of the trial of three Christians, taking place on the Capitol Hill, in front of the temple of Jupiter in Norwid’s poem Quidam. This monumental fresco, divided into many smaller sequences, clearly distinguishes itself from intimate shots prevalent in the text, narrowed to small spaces, small groups of people. The analysis focuses here primarily on the reconstruction of the trial from the perspective of Roman law. Ultimately, this leads to the recognition of historical legal awareness of Norwid, who, upon constructing one of the fundamental visions of his work, drew on the knowledge and literature of the mid-19th-century concerning the role and significance of Roman law.
Tertullian held a rigorous opinion about the attitude of martyrs towards the state and people in power. He analyzed the cases of Christians involving in the social life of pagans. Among others, he discussed the issue of military service, the work of teachers and government officials as well as the relationship of Christians to the emperor. The necessity to kill in case of soldiers, to participate in pagan ceremonies and work in government positions were all associated with violation of Christian principles. The faithful were obliged to pray for the well-being of the emperor and of the Roman Empire. Christians’ aversion towards the state increased during their persecutions. They were not good government officials because, due to their faith, they were unable to fully execute all commands and were sentenced to martyrdom in consequence. It can be concluded that Tertullian encouraged withdrawal from the life of the state in order to remain faithful to God.
The article presents the views of Tertullian on the causes and origin of evil in the context of his polemic with heretics remaining under the influence of Gnostic thought. The analysis refers to the following treatises of Tertullian: Adversus Hermogenem, Adversus Valentinianos, Against Marcion, De anima, Apologeticum. The subject covers the following points: 1. Introduction. 2. the origin of evil. 3. Free will and choice between good and evil. 4. Responsibility for the evil that is the question of rewards and punishments.
The source base for the study on the Gnostic missionary activity in general is rather scarce, nonetheless in the case of the Valentinians, one of the major branches of ancient Christian gnosticism, the main characteristics of the their mission could be given with some certainty. First of all the Valentinians run the mission directed to other Christians. It was conducted by means of public teaching during the open gatherings of the Valentinian communities. The more interested were then taken aside and provided with more specific instructions. The written texts, such as letters or introductory treatises, were also in use. Valentinian mission had probably mostly educational character, because there is no source evidence for Valentinian efforts to gain new members for their own church communities. The main goal was to bring the spiritual enlightenment, divine knowledge, to brothers who did not yet received it. Of course such an enlightened Christian presumably in greater part joined the Valentinian community, however the sources do not confirm, that it was either demanded or recommended. The mission to the Pagans is not so well testified. The Valentinian texts from Nag Hammadi Codices, such as Tractatus Tripartitus and Letter to Rheginus prove that there were some converts from among the Pagans, but probably not numerous and not eagerly sought. Only the former text mentions some kind of apostles of good message, who might be recognized as those who preach to non-Christians. We do not know however, if they spread the basics of Christianity or at once its deeper Gnostic meaning.
Afferuntur et considerantur Tertulliani dicta de spe in vivo animi habitu apud christianos, et inprimis: de spe et exspectatione, de spe promissionis, de spe resurrectionis, de modo quo sanctae Voces ln Scriptura Sacra occurrentes spem nostram aedificant.
Tertullian war durch den ganzen Zeitraum seines Lebens und Schaffens der Sprecher der Diszipłin. Er bemerkte in der christlichen Gemeinschaft diese, die leiten sie, und andere, die sind ihnen unterordnen. Bischofe, Priester und Diakone gehoren zu erster Gruppe. Die Bischofe leiten besonders die Kirche und sie sind Seelsorger. Sie bewahren auch „munera sacerdotałia". Diesem Gesetz des Bischofs verleugnete Tertullian niemals deutlich. Als zweite, separate Gruppe in der christlichen Gemeinschaft spezifiziert Tertullian die Laien. „Laici", ein mal verheiratete Manner, die zu „ordo Ecclesie" (Kirchrangordnung) nicht gehoren, haben auch die priesterliche Wurde. Die priesterliche Wurde der Glaubigen hat der allgemeine Charakter. Die priesterliche Funktionen uben in der christlichen Gemeinschaft Bischofe, Priester und Diakone, mit der Rucksicht auf der Disziplin und der Ordnung in der Kirche. In den notwendigen Zufallen uben es auch die Laien, das heiBt die Manner. Tertullian lehnt deutlich das Gesetz der Frauen die priesterliche Funktionen auszuuben ab. Trotz der deutlichen Absonderung durch Tertullian zwei Zustande in der Kirche, ist die Linie der Aufteilung zwischen Geistlichern und Laien in den Zeiten Tertullians in dem Grund der Sache genug gelaufig.
L’article examine les differentes significations du mot spiritus dans la terminologie theologique latine de la fin du IIe siecle, d’apres l’Adversus Praxean, ouvrage antimonarchianiste de Tertullien. Spiritus ou Spiritus Dei signifie, pour notre auteur, non seulement la nature divine des trois personnes de la Trinite, mais aussi le Fils.
La ricerca dei termini teologici, i quali sono stati adoperati da Tertuliiano per descrivere il mistero dell’incamazione, comprende tutti i testi che sono stati frutti deila poiemica dell’Apologista con tutti coloro che rientrarono nell’area della teologia eterodossa cristiana del II secolo.
EN
La ricerca dei termini teologici, i quali sono stati adoperati da Tertulliano per descrivere il mistero dell’Incarnazione, comprende tutti i testi che sono stati frutti della polemica dell’Apologista con tutti coloro che rientrarono nell’area della teologia eterodossa cristiana del II secolo.
The practice of religious fasting in the first three centuries of Christianity seems to have been culturally conditioned. Christian individual fasting on Wednesdays and Fridays was most likely a borrowing from the practice of the Essenes of Qumran (see Didache), as opposed to the individual fasting practiced observed by Pharisees. At that time Christians fasted in a similar way as Jews did, i.e., before the Christian Passover – from the sunrise of the previous day (Thursday) to the sunset of the next day (Friday). The Jewish and Christian post-1st-century traditions seem to coincide in increasing the number of fasting days, which was motivated in both religious traditions by apocalyptic revelations. As for the divergence in the fasting traditions, the Pharisaic Jews would fast on Mondays and Thursdays without food and drink from sunrise to sunset of those days. On the other hand, Christians would fast on Wednesdays and Fridays merely living on bread and water, from sunrise to three o'clock. In the texts written by Alexandrian Christians of the turn of the third century, we find a synthesis of the Christian tradition of fasting and the ascetic and dietary philosophies of the Stoic and Platonic philosophy. Alexandrian writers laid more emphasis on temperance as a virtue and a diet as a choice rather than on religious fasting as such. On the other hand, in the Montanistic practices of two-week xerophagy we find the origin of a longer, fortnights’ fast before the Christian Passover. Until the third century, the Catholic Church called the two fasting days directly preceding Easter “Great Fast”. Up to the third century, official fasting was prescribed relatively seldom in the Church (before baptism and for two days before Passover). Individual fasting was practiced on Wednesdays and Fridays. It seems that longer fasting times were recognized in the Church up to the third century as a manifestation of false revelations or heresies.
PL
Praktyka postu religijnego w chrześcijaństwie w pierwszych trzech wiekach wydaje się być uwarunkowana kulturowo. Chrześcijański post w środy i piątki był najprawdopodobniej zapożyczeniem z praktyki Esseńczyków z Qumran (patrz Didache), w przeciwieństwie do indywidualnego postu faryzeuszy. W tym czasie chrześcijanie pościli podobnie jak Żydzi, tzn. przed chrześcijańską Paschą - od wschodu słońca poprzedniego dnia (czwartek) do zachodu słońca następnego dnia (piątek). Wydaje się, że tradycja żydowska i chrześcijańska w pierwszym wieku zbiegają się w praktyce zwiększania liczby dni postu, co motywowano w obu tradycjach apokaliptycznymi objawieniami. Jeśli chodzi o rozbieżności w tradycjach postnych, to faryzejscy Żydzi mogli przez cały dzień pościć w poniedziałki i czwartki bez jedzenia i picia od wschodu do zachodu słońca w tych dniach. Z drugiej strony chrześcijanie mogli praktykować post w środy i piątki na chlebie i wodzie, od wschodu do trzeciej. W tekstach chrześcijan aleksandryjskich z przełomu drugiego i trzeciego wieku znajdujemy syntezę praktyki chrześcijańskiej ze zwyczajami ascetycznymi i dietetycznymi filozofii stoickiej i platońskiej. Aleksandryjscy pisarze wskazywali bardziej na umiarkowanie jako cnotę i dietę jako wybór niż na post religijny jako taki. Natomiast w montanistycznych praktykach dwutygodniowej kserofagii możemy odnaleźć początek dłuższego, dwutygodniowego postu przed chrześcijańską Paschą. Kościół katolicki aż do trzeciego wieku, nazwał Wielkim Postem zwyczaj poszczenia dwa dni bezpośrednio przed Wielkanocą. Do trzeciego wieku włącznie w Kościele formalny post był postulowany stosunkowo rzadko (przed chrztem i dwa dni przed Paschą). Indywidualny post był praktykowany w środy i piątki. Wydaje się też, że dłuższy post był uznawany w Kościele aż do trzeciego wieku jako przejaw fałszywych objawień lub herezji.
Tertullian did not bequeath any treaty directly about Church and organization of it. Well, he certainly did not regard it as something required. The aggregate of his works quite precise shows how Church in North Africa functioned in II and III century. In his works term presbyter it seems to be ultimately stated. The term determines the second level of beadle, subordinate authority of supervisor of community – pontiff. For that reason, presbyters did not arouse our author, who frequently lists them in relation with the superior. They participated in actions appropriate for pontiff such as education or gave baptism to somebody. Moreover, they confirm Christian marriage and they achieve intercessory function while public expiation sinners. However, they probably do not possess power to absolve worshippers. Tertullian especially point out their disciplinary function, they had to provide peace in the community although they create with pontiff and deaconry the hierarchy in Church.
PL
Tertulian nie pozostawił po sobie żadnego traktatu dotyczącego sensu stricto Kościoła i jego organizacji. Z pewnością nie widział takiej potrzeby. Całokształt jego twórczości daje jednak wystarczająco precyzyjny obraz organizacji kościelnej w Afryce Północnej na przełomie II i III w. Termin presbyter w dziełach Kartagińczyka wydaje się już ostatecznie ustalony. Jest on użyty przez niego na określenie urzędu kościelnego drugiego stopnia, podporządkowanego we wszystkim władzy przełożonego wspólnoty-biskupa. Z tego też powodu prezbiterzy nie wzbudzają większego zainteresowania naszego autora, który często wymienia ich tylko w relacji do zwierzchnika wspólnoty. Uczestniczą oni w czynnościach ministerialnych właściwych biskupowi, takich jak nauczanie, udzielanie chrztu czy prawdopodobnie sprawowanie eucharystii. Ponadto prezbiterzy uczestniczą w zatwierdzaniu chrześcijańskich małżeństw oraz spełniają rolę wstawienniczą podczas publicznej pokuty grzeszników. Nie posiadają oni jednak władzy odpuszczania grzechów. Pomimo tego, iż prezbiterzy wraz z biskupem i diakonami tworzą hierarchię w Kościele, to Tertulian zasadniczo podkreśla ich rolę dyscyplinarną, mającą zapewnić pokój we wspólnocie.
The aim of this article is to show what the standpoint of Christianity in first centuries was among pagan conviction and teaching about reincarnation and metempsychosis. The author of this dissertation analyses Tertullian’s treatise On the Soul in context of Plato’ Dialogues. The first part of article puts in order meaning of terms: life after the death, immortality, resurrection, metempsychosis, metensomatosis, palingenesis, reincarnation, pre-existence of the soul. In the second part are discussed most important aspects of Plato’ view on the soul. Then are presented arguments (15) which Tertullian used to criticize Plato’ teaching about ideas and theory of anamnesis and to overthrow theory of reincarnation and metempsychosis. The conclusion takes recollection of standpoint and documents of the Church with reference to discussed matters.
The early Church put much emphasis on the holiness of Christian life for the convert including, even though he might not take it into account, that the neophyte can once again return to the sins he committed before his conversion and baptism. The practical life some-times showed that even the converted Christian is weak and inclined to sin. The Church was therefore faced with the problem of defining sin and the appropriate treatment of the sinner. In this context, Tertullian has made a significant contribution to the problem of the determination of sin, its classification, its consequences for the sinner and the conditions surrounding the possible remission of sin. The practical and legal attitude of Tertullian on the issue of sin has greatly influenced the understanding of sin in the moral theology of western Catholicism.
PL
Kościół pierwotny kładł tak duży nacisk nacisk na świętość życia nawróconego na chrześcijaństwo człowieka, że nawet nie brał pod uwagę, że neofita może ponownie wrócić do grzechów, które popełniał przed nawróceniem i przyjęciem chrztu. Praktyka życia jed-nak z czasem pokazała, że nawet nawrócony chrześcijanin jest słabym i skłonnym do grzechu człowiekiem. Kościół więc staje wobec problemu zdefiniowania grzechu i odpowiedniego traktowania grzesznika. W tym kontekście Tertulian wnosi znaczny wkład w problematykę określenia grzechu, jego podziału, jego konsekwencji dla grzesznika i warunków ewentualnego odpuszczenia grzechu. Praktyczny i prawniczy stosunek Tertuliana do zagadnienia grzechu odciska się znacznie na rozumieniu grzechu w teologii moralnej zachodniego katolicyzmu.