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1

Pierwsze wrażenia w Prusach po porażce zakonu niemieckiego w bitwie grunwaldzkiej

100%
Kwiatkowski K.
Zapiski Historyczne
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2010
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vol. 75
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issue 2
44-66
EN
In the article the author makes an attempt to analyze a small fragment of the 1409–1411 war connected not so much with military activities as with mental conditions of the perception of reality by people of those times. Asking the question about impressions (in a general sense) and feelings connected with the outcome of the battle of Grunwald among people of Prussia constitutes a part of cultural studies over the phenomenon of ‘war’ in particular and ‘conflict’ in general. It concerns important questions of the psychological influence which military activities and their outcomes exert on the human being. As far as reactions to the outcome of the battle appearing in the evening after the battle are concerned, indirect accounts show that the predominant feeling was the impression concerning the magnitude of the battle in the Teutonic Order, and a high number of the killed. This intense impression determined the appearance of oral narrations about the final stage of the battle. The next day after the battle, 16 July, apart from the sensory reception of the bodies of the killed soldiers and horses, the Prussians experienced various actions undertaken by Władysław II which had a symbolic and ritual character. They were as follows: liturgical acts during at least two votive solemn masses, presenting to the King military signs captured the previous day, the order of the King to find the bodies of Teutonic brothers and to send them to the nearest convent in a royal funeral procession, a magnificent ceremonial feast, and a three-day stay of the King on the battlefield. Inhabitants of Prussia witnessed the ostentation and manifestation of the belief that the Polish King had received the support from the supernatural during the battle of Grunwald, They also saw the manifestation of the total and glorious victory of the Polish monarch over the opponent, which was executed in all dimensions. Symbolically, they received a message of God’s sentence, which was the way people understood battles in those times. Among prisoners from the Teutonic army all those rituals must have caused a feeling of fear. The analysis of the source material shows that the mental influence of those events on prisoners on the battlefield from 15 to 17 July was not so strong despite its ostentatious character. Impressions from the battlefield did not make inhabitants of Prussia support the Polish King. The significant factor which affected the change of attitude among inhabitants of Prussia was the factual, not symbolic, presence of the royal army in the nearest geographical neighborhood, which was visible particularly in case of big Prussian towns. Reactions of members of the Prussian branch of the Teutonic Order were diversified. The behavior of some dignitaries who had survived the battle was marked by panic and confusion. Corporation bonds, the basic element constituting the Teutonic Order, were undermined. In such suddenly changed circumstances the organization of activities was based on a different type of relations such as family connections, ties of blood.
2
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Das Bild von Herkus Monte in der deutschen und litauischen Literatur und Kultur

86%
Kuzborska A.
Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski
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2020
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vol. 2
251-264
EN
This article focuses on the historical figure of the leader of the second uprising of the colonized Prussians against the Teutonic Order, Herkus Monte, who is presented here primarily as a literary figure. The increasing interest in Prussian history changed the written media, so that the order chronicle of the 13th century later turned into literary works, primarily historical novels and historical dramas in Germany. Because of the geographical proximity and linguistic relationship, the Lithuanians feel a strong affinity for the Prussians and their heroes. In the following, we analyze literary works by Lithuanian authors on the basis of which a feature film and an opera were created.
3
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Brodnicki relikwiarz Drzewa Krzyż Św. i inne XIV-wieczne relikwiarze pruskie

86%
Regulska G.
Biuletyn Historii Sztuki
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2012
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vol. 74
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issue 3-4
483-500
EN
Among the earliest monuments of Gothic goldsmithery in Prussia a particular place is taken by the Brodnica reliquary of Holy Cross Wood from ca.1330-40 which after the great war of King Vladislaus Jagiełło of Poland against the Teutonic Knights ended up at the collegiate church in Sandomierz and has been preserved at its treasury. A similar reliquary of Holy Cross Wood, though dated already from the 3 rd quarter of the 14 th century, has been preserved at the Gniezno Cathedral treasury. Subsequently, in the late 14 th century two similar reliquaries were created. Moreover, two other 14th-century examples of Prussian reliquaries of another type have been preserved. Both are elements of Teutonic castle chapels and both, having been Vladislaus Jagiełło war trophies, reached the churches of the Kingdom of Poland.
4
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Kształtowanie się siedzib niższych urzędników krzyżackich w Prusach Właściwych

86%
Knyżewski M.
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Archaeologica
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2016
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issue 31
EN
So far, it Conventual castles were at the center of interest of researchers of Teutonic architecture. However, it seems that it slowly starts to change. Until recently, the seat of the Teutonic Knights lower officials, except the most distinctive constituted a complete research margin. Currently, there are at once numerous publications on individual objects, but we should also look at the subject more broadly and make placing them in specific political and economic realities. We are not able at the moment to say much about the thirteenth century buildings, which would constitute the seat of the Teutonic Knights lower officials to discussed area. It was not until the beginning of the fourteenth century brings more information about the existence of headquarters of minor officials. At this time, the evident revival building in the Zulawy. This is understandable due to the transfer of the seat of the great masters to Marienburg. Most of these assumptions was the auxiliary facilities of the capital castle. Very important are the 30s and 40s of the fourteenth century. On the east of the country are formed the quite numerous, probably wood and earth strongholds. Objects located in the western part of Prussia gain at this time bricked forms. A clear turning point for the sites are the Lithuanian army raids in the 60s and 70s the fourteenth century. After these events, some objects ceased to function (Okartowo) while others have been transformed into brick castles (Pisz). Additionally, in the western regions of Prussia, some assumptions have been expanded. But it was only after the signing of the armistice with Lithuania began to build castles on a much larger scale. Construction work lasted in many objects until the outbreak of the Great War. After it state’s economic situation has changed dramatically. There were mainly modernization works on castles.
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5
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Zamek w Radzyniu Chełmińskim. Technika i etapy budowy siedziby krzyżackich komturów i konwentu

72%
Wasik B.
Ochrona Zabytków
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2015
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issue 1
167-181
EN
Radzyń Chełmiński is situated in the northern part of the Chełmno Land. In the Middle Ages, an important route from Pomesania led through that area. In that strategic place, most probably on the basis of an early medieval settlement, the Teutonic Knights led by Herman Balk erected the first fortress in 1234. In 1243, it was one of a few which was not conquered by Prussian rebels. In mid-13th century, it became a komtur’s seat. As the archaeological research has shown, the masonry castle was erected in a new place. On the basis of the research, as well as the architectural analysis of the preserved walls and size of bricks, it is possible to reconstruct the building process of the fortress. In the first phase, in the following stages, which had basically been pre-planned, the convent building was erected. In the first stage, a curtain wall of the convent building was built in narrow-space foundation trenches and, at the same time, window openings, vault prop and toothing for future partition walls of the flanks were prepared. After erecting a curtain wall, the level of the area around the convent house was raised by about 2.5 meters, creating an artificial hill. In the following stage, the main (southern) flank was erected. On the level of the cellars, short rudiments of walls of the neighbouring flanks were built, leading out from its northern wall. Other flanks of the castle were built later. On the basis of the consistency of architecture and the measurement analysis of the bricks, it should be stated that the application in various parts of the building of the Wendish (cellars) and Gothic (ground parts, some partition walls in the cellars) brickwork does not mean that the phases of construction of those elements were distant in time. The sizes of the bricks used in the entire building are consistent irrespective of the brickwork. The use of the Wendish brickwork in the cellars can be explained by the fact that it was used for facing the stone wall, unlike the Gothic brickwork, which was in full brick walls. The buildings erected in the second stage of construction of the castle were made of brick of a visibly larger size. At that time, the bergfried was probably erected, as well as the outer ward with a dansker and an outer bailey. The use of various types of brickwork in the curtain wall of the latter should be explained by work of various teams of bricklayers. In connection with the construction of the elements of the castle listed above, further earth works were performed, that is, the level of the outer ward was elevated and made even, the plateau of the outer bailey was widened from the south and an embankment was constructed in front of its western curtain. The last medieval building works comprised the erection of buildings on the outer ward of the convent house. The chronology of construction of the castle was examined by researches in different ways. On the basis of forms of gables of the main flank, it can be determined that the construction of the convent house was completed in the 40s of the 14th century. Thus, it was probably undertaken before the congress of the dignitaries of the order, which was held in Radzyń in 1329. Perhaps, during the congress, the works on the rooms in the main flank of the castle (the chapel and the refectory) were about to be finished. On the other hand, it should be estimated that the outer ward and the bailey were erected in mid- and second half of the 14th century.
6
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Instrukcje lekarskie dla wielkiego marszałka zakonu krzyżackiego z pierwszej połowy XV wieku

72%
Broda M.
Rocznik Toruński
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2012
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issue 39
125-136
7
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Von Preußen ins Reich. Der Burgdorfer Krieg und die Heimatreise der einfachen Ordensbrüder Rudolf und Konrad von Kyburg aus dem Jahre 1383

72%
Gotówko P.
Zapiski Historyczne
|
2021
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vol. 86
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issue 1
5-27
EN
Not many primary sources document the lives of ordinary Teutonic Knights who were not among the highest officials of the Order. Therefore, the preserved mentions from the town of Burgdorf, modern-day Switzerland, prove to be of great importance. These refer to two Teutonic Knights, Konrad and Rudolf von Kyburg, who returned to their homeland during the summer of 1383. It is all the more interesting due to the fact that the older of the two – Konrad – was referred to in a document of 1375 as an ordinary Teutonic Knight staying in Balga. His younger brother is also likely to have served in the Teutonic Order in Prussia. The reason for their journey home was the Burgdorf War, which was started in November of 1382 by their nephew Rudolf II von Kyburg, who made an unsuccessful attempt at capturing the town of Solothurn. It resulted in a conflict with Bern, which was the most powerful city in that region. The return of Konrad and Rudolf to their homeland would not have been possible without the approval of their superiors, including the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order. The scarce primary sources that were preserved indicate that the two Teutonic Knights tried to alleviate the conflict by diplomatic means, however, without success. They were given a certain amount of time before they were obliged to return to Prussia. The issue of financing the journey is really interesting. Even though the presence of the two Teutonic Knights was certainly beneficial for the von Kyburg family, it is highly unlikely that the relatives covered their travel expenses, as the family had been impoverished long before the war even began, and it needed to allocate all the available resources for the defense of the ancestral castle. Thus, the Teutonic Order was forced, against its thirteenth-century rules, not only to approve but also finance the purely private journey of its two longtime members to their homeland.
8

Uwagi o dokumentach rozejmowych i pokojowych z okresu wojny 1409–1411

72%
Szweda A.
Zapiski Historyczne
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2010
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vol. 75
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issue 2
66-85
EN
The article is devoted to documents of armistice concluded during the war of Poland and Lithuania with the Teutonic Order in the years 1409–1411, and also to documents of the Peace Treaty of Thorn. The first of the armistice treaties, written on 8 October 1409, was exceptional, as it was made through the agency of the Roman and Czech king Wenceslaus IV. This was the reason why the Teutonic and Polish documents were written in German. Seals were also not typical of armistice: the Grand Master Ulrich von Jungingen affixed the great seal of the Teutonic Order whereas Władysław Jagiełło put his bigger seal with the coat of arms. There also appeared seals of guarantors from both sides. The armistice was made until 24 June, whereas on 26 June 1410 Jagiełło issued a document prolonging the armistice until 4 July. It was an act written in a simplified form, without guarantors, with a smaller seal of the monarch. The Teutonic equivalent did not survive. Diplomas from the armistice of 9 December 1410 survived. The Polish document causes interpretation problems as it includes mistakes in the list of guarantors, and the number and order of the seals affixed. The preliminary documents of the First Treaty of Thorn were recorded and enumerated on 1 February 1411. They were made in the name of the monarchs, affixed with smaller sigils and seals of negotiators. The main peace documents were sealed and enumerated on 10 May 1411 near Złotoria. The Teutonic document bore 41 seals; the emblem of the Master Henrich von Plauen did not survive. The Polish-Lithuanian document is known exclusively thanks to descriptions in notary devices. It bore 38 seals, including the sigil of Władysław Jagiełło and the Great Prince Vytautas. Probably the act, like many others, was passed on to the King Sigismund I the Old by the Duke Albert of Hohenzollern in 1526. Soon after it disappeared and it was not recorded in the inventories of the Crown Archive preserved from the mid-16th century.
9
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Templariusze w ziemi łukowskiej w świetle bulli papieża Aleksandra IV z 1 lutego 1257 r.

72%
Gomółka M.
Radzyński Rocznik Humanistyczny
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2023
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vol. 21
31-47
EN
The issue of this article concerns the presumed creation and functioning of the commandery of the Templars in the territory of Łuków. The creation of the commandery was the result of the establishment of a bishopric in this area, which, in accordance with the political plans of the Duke of Cracow–Sandomierz Bolesław the Chaste, was to conduct a dynamic missionary action among the Yotvingians, Lithuanians and on the peripheries of the vast diocese of Cracow. The order, on the other hand, was to act as armed forces and at the same time a protective shield of the diocese. The article analyzes the text of the bull of Pope Alexander IV of February 1, 1257 primarily in terms of the presence of the order in Łuków. Attention was also paid to the circumstances and chronology of the arrival of the congregation at Krzna, the supposed range of the commandery, its size and the size of the granting. The conclusions emphasized that the fall of the bishopric meant the end of the Łuków commandery and the failure of the political plans of Prince Bolesław the Chaste. However, it is worth remembering that the prince wanted to build a counterweight for the Teutonic Knights on the border, which is why he used the help of another knightly order.
PL
Problematyka artykułu dotyczy przypuszczalnego powstania oraz funkcjonowania na terenie ziemi łukowskiej komandorii templariuszy. Utworzenie komandorii było wypadkową erygowania na tym terenie biskupstwa, które zgodnie z politycznymi planami księcia krakowsko–sandomierskiego Bolesława Wstydliwego miało prowadzić dynamiczną akcję misyjną wśród Jaćwingów, Litwinów oraz na peryferiach rozległej diecezji krakowskiej. Zakon natomiast miał pełnić rolę zbrojnego ramienia i zarazem tarczy ochronnej diecezji. Przeanalizowano tekst bulli papieża Aleksandra IV z 1 lutego 1257 r. przede wszystkim pod kątem obecności zakonu w Łukowie. Zwrócono również uwagę na okoliczności oraz chronologię przybycia zgromadzenia nad Krznę, przypuszczalny zasięg komandorii, jej liczebność i wielkość nadania. W wnioskach podkreślono, że upadek biskupstwa oznaczał koniec łukowskiej komandorii i fiasko politycznych planów księcia Bolesława Wstydliwego. Warto jednak pamiętać, że książę chciał budować na pograniczu przeciwwagę dla krzyżaków, dlatego skorzystał z pomocy innego zakonu rycerskiego.
10
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Kult Najświętszej Marii Panny w mieście Malbork w średniowieczu

58%
DŁugokęcki W.
Studia Elbląskie
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2023
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vol. 24
19-29
EN
The origins and development of the Marian cult in medieval Malbork were not only linked to the Teutonic Order and its Malbork main house, but also to the city. It was probably originally called the city of Saint Mary (civitas Santae Mariae, German: Marienstadt), but this name was eventually replaced by that of the castle (civitas castri Santae Mariae). The parish church also originally bore a Marian invocation, attested in 1416, and the co-patron was most probably St John the Evangelist (1669). A very important element of the Malbork Marian cult was the chapel at the Carriage Gate, also later known as St Mary’s Gate, first mentioned in 1443 and endowed in 1448 by Grand Master Konrad von Erlichshausen. The patronage of this chapel was transferred to the city (1448). The genesis of this foundation is probably linked to an event described in a letter from Malbork craftsmen and suburban residents to the Grand Master dated 24 December 1443. According to the letter’s authors, prayers and petitions addressed to God through the intermediary of the Blessed Virgin Mary saved the suburb, and above all the city itself, from destruction by fire. However, the source records available today do not make it possible to establish whether there was a Marian chapel in the southern suburb of Malbork earlier.
PL
Powstanie i rozwój kultu maryjnego w średniowiecznym Malborku związane były nie tylko z zakonem krzyżackim i jego malborskim domem głównym, ale też z miastem. Zapewne pierwotnie nazywało się ono miastem Świętej Marii (civitas Santae Mariae, niem. Marienstadt), ale ostatecznie nazwa ta została zastąpiona przez nazwę zamku (civitas castri Santae Mariae). Także kościół parafialny nosił pierwotnie wezwanie maryjne, poświadczone w 1416 r., a współpatronem był najprawdopodobniej św. Jan Ewangelista (1669). Bardzo ważnym elementem malborskiego kultu maryjnego była kaplica na Bramie Przewozowej, zwanej też później Bramą Mariacką, wzmiankowana po raz pierwszy w 1443 r., a uposażona w 1448 r. przez wielkiego mistrza Konrada von Erlichshausena. Patronat nad tą kaplicą został przekazany miastu (1448). Geneza tej fundacji wiąże się najpewniej z wydarzeniem opisanym w liście rzemieślników malborskich i mieszkańców przedmieścia z dnia 24 grudnia 1443 r., skierowanym do wielkiego mistrza. W opinii autorów listu modlitwy i prośby kierowane do Boga za pośrednictwem Najświętszej Marii Panny uratowały bowiem przedmieście, a przede wszystkim samo miasto, od zniszczenia przez pożar. Natomiast dostępne dzisiaj wzmianki źródłowe nie pozwalają na ustalenie, czy wcześniej na południowym przedmieściu Malborka znajdowała się kaplica maryjna.
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