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Litwini w III RP

100%
Tarka K.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2013
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issue 3(348)
77-92
EN
The article presents the situation of the Lithuanian minority in the Third Republic of Poland. Lithuanians who densely inhabit a small area of north-east Suwalki region, in and around Puńsk and Sejny, form a close-knit community. This is the autochtonous, almost exclusively rural population. Lesser and dispersed groups of Lithuanians live on the entire territory of Poland. The overall number of the Lithuanian minority of Poland is approximately 7.5-8 thousand people. In the new reality after 1989 there have been changes in the organized activity of Lithuanians. The Lithuanian Social-Cultural Society which had existed for over thirty years changed its name to the Association of Lithuanians in Poland. New organizations were also founded, such as: the Lithuanian Society of St. Casimir or the Community of Lithuanians in Poland. For Lithuanian activists one of the most important issues was the cause of education in their native tongue. At the beginning of the 1990s the “Aušra” Publishing House began the printing of the first books in Lithuanian since the Second World War. The “Aušra” quarterly was transformed into a monthly and then again into a biweekly. Besides, regional stations of the public radio and television began broadcasting regular programmes in Lithuanian. Lithuanians are characterized by a high national self-awareness and the ability to organize themselves in the defense of their interests. A high degree of internal integration minimized the process of assimilation and allowed them to retain their distinctive individuality, their own language, culture and system of education. The factors that facilitate this phenomenon are: a compact population inhabiting a small area, peripheral location, isolation from the Polish society.
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Zapomniane zwycięstwo 4 czerwca — o mitologii politycznej filmu „Psy” Władysława Pasikowskiego

75%
Nieć M.
Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem
|
2019
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vol. 41
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issue 4
87-104
EN
The article analyzes the victorious election of Solidarity on 4 June 1989. Władysław Pasikowski, a young Polish director, has shown in the movie Dogs (1992) a metaphor of the 4 June victory, which is analyzed in this article. Other issues from the movie are not presented, neither is the contemporary political situation. Only the contemporary context of the movie is presented. The movie Dogs shows a wide political and cultural background of a political change, probably because Pasikowski is a cultural anthropologist, not only a director. The article consists of three parts. In the first part of the article I present a concept of mythology by Roland Barthes in my own interpretation; I named my interpretation a political mythology. In the second part of the text I explain the phrase “forgotten victory” and discuss the political context “forgetfulness.” In the last part of the article I analyze the movie Dogs. Pasikowski presented a story of a police officer and his community (political police) during transformation in Poland. Pasikowski showed in the film the last days of the People’s Poland, her moral and political downfall. This film gave rise to many voices and commentaries, both positive and disapproving. The film was recognized by victims fighting about liberty as hurtful. Especially, a scene in a policemen canteen was recognized as derogatory. In a few scenes of the movie Pasikowski described the elite of People’s Poland. Pasikowski told a story about the last days of People’s Poland in the context of a crime. Since the movie Dogs, Pasikowski has debated with the Polish Film School and at the same time he has carried on with moral issues of the Polish Film School. He said and showed where the winners of Maciek Chełmicki, the protagonist of the film Popiół i diament (Ashes and Diamonds) of Andrzej Wajda (director) and Jerzy Andrzejewski (writer), are now. Moreover, Pasikowski has discussed in films with Polish right-wing parties and right-wing journalists about the beginning of the Third Republic of Poland.
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Paweł Popieliński, Mniejszość niemiecka w III Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej (1989 – 2019) w procesie integracji ze społeczeństwem większościowym, Instytut Studiów Politycznych Polskiej Akademii Nauk, Warszawa 2020, ss. 514

75%
Pogorzała E.
Facta Simonidis
|
2021
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vol. 14
|
issue 1
315-318
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Promocja regionalizmu w programie i działalności Unii Wielkopolan (1990-1999)

75%
Sikorski T.
Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego ACTA POLITICA
|
2014
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issue 27
139-152
EN
The article discusses the idea of regionalism and its place in the agenda and activity of Unia Wielkopolan [Union of Wielkopolanie]. Unia Wielkopolan (UW) is one of the oldest organisations (societies) in the III Republic of Poland concentrated on the promotion of Wielkopolska’s regionalism still operating today. The text presents the political proposals by UW as well as its activity in the fields of culture, economy and society. It discusses the most important initiatives, range of activity and methods (tools) used to achieve UW statutory aims. Additionally, the functioning of UW is presented in a broader political context. Author also attempts to place organisation’s activity within the variety of societies sharing very similar aims, therefore emphasising the importance of this organisation in the local and regional perspectives. Main goal of UW today is promoting local entrepreneurship. Organisation’s trademark is well functioning Wielkopolski Instytut Jakości [Wielkopolska’s Institute of Quality]. Today, the Union is one of the oldest societies, alongside Zrzeszenie Kaszubsko-Pomorskie and Ruch Autonomii Śląska, bravely and uncompromisingly supporting the regional character of the III Republic of Poland. However, the range of its influences and activity is not so wide as it used to be at the beginning of the 1990s.
PL
W artykule dokonano analizy promocji regionalizmu w działalności Unii Wielkopolan. Unia Wielkopolan (UW) jest jedną z najstarszych organizacji (stowarzyszeń) w III RP, której zadania i cele koncentrują się na promocji szeroko rozumianego regionalizmu, lokalnej przedsiębiorczości, edukacji i historycznego dziedzictwa regionu. Tekst przedstawia propozycje polityczne zgłaszane przez UW, a także omawia działalność w dziedzinie kulturalnej, gospodarczej (ekonomicznej) i społecznej. Zwrócono także uwagę na najważniejsze inicjatywy stowarzyszenia. Analizę usytuowano w szerszym kontekście, uwzględniającym transformację polityczną, społeczną i ekonomiczną III RP. Działalność UW osadzono na tle aktywności innych organizacji krajowych promujących idee regionalizmu. „Okrętem flagowym” Unii pozostał dobrze prosperujący Wielkopolski Instytut Jakości. Unia Wielkopolan jest jednym z najstarszych, obok Zrzeszenia Kaszubsko- Pomorskiego i Ruchu Autonomii Śląska, stowarzyszeń odważnie i bezkompromisowo opowiadających się za regionalnym kształtem III Rzeczypospolitej. Obecnie zakres jej wpływów i oddziaływanie nie są już tak duże, jak na początku lat 90. XX w.
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ODPOWIEDZIALNOŚĆ III RP ZA SZKODY WYRZĄDZONE PRZEZ WŁADZE PUBLICZNE W LATACH 1944-1989

71%
Łączkowski W.
Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny
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2012
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vol. 74
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issue 3
105-110
EN
Pursuant to the principle that the perpetrator or his legal successor is liable for the damage caused, The Third Republic of Poland shall not be held liable for the damage resulting from the actions taken by public authorities that functioned in the territory of Poland in the political regime of 1944-1989. Those authorities, in all fundamental matters, did not act independently, but merely implemented the decisions, also the damaging ones, that had been made by the Soviet Union. And yet, it is highly unlikely that the Russian Federation (the legal successor of the USSR) will ever recognise any claims for damages or compensation for the damage caused. Consequently, other possibilities must be considered. What seems possible and recommended is assistance offered to the harmed citizens, although such assistance is not provided by the law but is rooted in the principles of ethic and depends on the financial capability of the State involved. Solutions similar to those provided in the Civil Code should be resorted to only in situations where the state of unjust enrichment continues to be enjoyed by today’s public authorities, or individuals who acquired unlawful gains in bad faith, at the cost of others. The deliberations presented in the paper apply to the internal situation in the state only since the fact that in the analysed period Poland was not a sovereign state will not, any longer, have any practical consequences for international relations. Further, the subject matter of this paper does not concern compensation due to the Church and religious denominations, which is part of a much more broadly understood area pertaining to the financing of Churches.
PL
Zgodnie z zasadą, że za szkodę odpowiada jej sprawca lub następca prawny, III RP nie powinna ponosić odpowiedzialności za krzywdy wyrządzone z powodów ustrojowo-politycznych przez władze publiczne funkcjonujące na obszarze Polski w latach 1944-1989. Władze te w zasadniczych sprawach były niesamodzielne, będąc jedynie wykonawcami decyzji kierownictwa ZSRR – dotyczy to również szkód, o których mowa w artykule. Skoro jednak jest mało prawdopodobne, aby Federacja Rosyjska (następca prawny ZSRR) uznała jakiekolwiek roszczenia odszkodowawcze, należy poszukiwać innych rozwiązań. Możliwa, a nawet wskazana, jest pomoc poszkodowanym, ale nie na gruncie prawa do odszkodowania, lecz w oparciu o przesłanki etyczne i z uwzględnieniem możliwości finansowych Państwa. Jedynie w sytuacjach utrzymujących stan bezpodstawnego wzbogacenia dzisiejszych władz publicznych lub osób, które wzbogaciły się w złej wierze kosztem pokrzywdzonych, należałoby uwzględniać roszczenia prawowitych właścicieli, korzystając z rozwiązań podobnych do tych, które określone są w Kodeksie cywilnym. Rozważania zawarte w artykule odnoszą się jedynie do stosunków wewnętrznych, w stosunkach międzynarodowych bowiem brak suwerenności Polski w tamtym okresie nie może już wywoływać żadnych skutków praktycznych. Ponadto artykuł nie dotyczy odszkodowań należnych Kościołom i związkom wyznaniowym. Jest to problematyka, którą należy połączyć z szerszą sprawą finansowania Kościołów.
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Tworzenie systemu władzy terytorialnej w Drugiej i w Trzeciej Rzeczypospolitej. Analiza porównawcza

63%
Jakubiak M.
Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
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2022
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vol. 57
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issue 2
145-162
EN
The article raises the issues of building a local government system in the Second and the Third Republic of Poland. In the introduction, the author presents the development of local government as a form of public administration in Europe at the end of the nineteenth and in the early twentieth centuries. Against this background, he briefly discusses the situation in this respect in the Polish territories before Poland regained independence. In the following parts, the legislative process leading to the constitution of the local government administration of the Second and Third Republic of Poland is described, taking into account the political and social conditions of both periods. Finally, the course of creating the system of territorial authority is summarised in both cases from a comparative perspective.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy problematyki budowy systemu samorządu terytorialnego w II i III RP. Przedstawiono zarys rozwoju władzy lokalnej jako formy administracji publicznej w Europie końca XIX w. i początku XX w. Na tym tle omówiono pokrótce sytuację w tym zakresie na ziemiach polskich pod zaborami przed odzyskaniem niepodległości. Następnie opisano proces legislacyjny prowadzący do ukonstytuowania administracji samorządowej II i III RP, z uwzględnieniem uwarunkowań politycznych i społecznych obydwu okresów. Na koniec podsumowano przebieg tworzenia systemu władzy terytorialnej w obu przypadkach w ujęciu komparatywnym.
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Wizerunek Polski w Europie i świecie: problemy europejskich peryferii

63%
Chmielewska A.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2016
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vol. 4
161-185
EN
The article is an attempt to demonstrate opportunities for analysing the constructing of Poland’s “soft” power, especially the image of Poland in Europe and the world, arising from Polish post-colonial studies, in particular its post-dependence variation. Basing on Tomasz Zarycki’s theory, the author discusses centre-periphery relations with focus on long-term structural conditions affecting Poland and other Central-Eastern European countries. Using historical materials from the inter-war period, she characterises two basic strategies of constructing representations of Polish cultural identity aimed at the international public. One consists of emphasising peripheral specifi city, primaririly national identity and its roots. The other “occidentalises” it, demonstrating connections with the past and present of the Western civilisation, mostly European cultural traditions and modernisation. In the conclusion the author argues that contemporary Polish cultural diplomacy still relies on these two strategies, the former being associated with the concept of “ethnodesign” and the latter – a national brand.
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Pomiędzy państwem prawnym a autorytaryzmem. Z polskich rozważań nad poszukiwaniem optymalnego ustroju państwa po odzyskaniu niepodległości w III Rzeczypospolitej

63%
Bosiacki A.
Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem
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2016
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vol. 38
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issue 4
97-118
EN
The article presents an analysis of selected considerations of Polish political discussions about the shortcomings of the parliamentary system and their antidote in the form of an authoritarian system. The point of departure is an analysis of the idea of a legal state (Rechtsstaat), well known in Congress Kingdom even before Poland regained its independence in 1918. It is also worthwhile to research the attempt of the integration the head of state into the parliamentary system, which was successfully applied between 1918 and 1922 when the Head of State institution was personali­zed by Józef Pilsudski. The analysis of the authoritarian thinking of Piłsudskis movement between 1926–1939 did not turn out as it had been declared, the sanation of state, and ideologically — also experienced — numerous social failures. Piłsudski’s legacy is present to some extent in contempo­rary Poland, with few exceptions (e.g. the concept of the common good), but one cannot speak of the legacy of authoritarianism. The idea of authoritarianism, however, remains less or more attrac­tive as the solution to the social pains of the Third Republic. As between 1918–1922 in Poland, it has now been possible to incorporate the president’s powers into the parliamentary system, where the head of state is not a purely decorative body (to a certain extent as a moderator of the empire). The list of constitutional values is also important. The underserved party system (before the war and now) is undoubtedly a negative political tendency, although such a system is not a developed state legal system. Paradoxically, however, it fosters anti-authoritarian tendencies.
9

Zasada podziału i równowagi władz w polskim prawic konstytucyjnym w ujęciu historycznym i w Konstytucji RP z 1997 r.

51%
Wiśniewski P.
Roczniki Wydziału Nauk Prawnych i Ekonomicznych KUL
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2009
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vol. 5
|
issue 1 Prawo
181-203
EN
In the 18th century, the doctrine of separation of powers was established as a remedy for tyranny . It is Montesquieu who is commonly regarded as the founder of the classic doctrine of separation and balance of powers. Later, attempts to create more of less original models were also made. It should be noticed that the reception of the principle of separation and balance of powers in Poland was very fast, relative to its formulation. This happened together with the establishment of the Third of May Constitution. Unfortunately, that Constitution was quickly abolished and Poland disappeared from the map of Europe for 123 years. The revived state – the Second Republic of Poland – had two constitutions let alone provisional acts of constitutional rank. The first, March Constitution directly referred to the principle of separation of powers. The other, April Constitution was a contradiction of the former. The political system of the Second Republic of Poland in the years 1935-1939 was called authoritarian. The April Constitution directly speaks of a uniform authority of the state. PRL principally had one constitution (1952) – but we have to remember about its amendments of 1976. The political system of PRL was without any doubt a totalitarian one. The Third Republic of Poland returned to the system based on the separation of powers even before its own constitution was passed (1997). Hence, despite attempts to tear the Polish State off the principle of separation of powers, its perception in the society and attachment to it were so strong and permanent that Poland, especially in the periods when it regained full sovereignty, quickly returned to building its political system basing on this very principle. The constitution of 1997 states explicitly that the Polish state system is based on the division and balance of powers: legislative (exercised by the Sejm and Senate), executive (exercised by the President and the Council of Ministers) and judiciary (exercised by the courts and tribunals) (Article 10 Section 1 and 2.) The Constitutional Tribunal, in its ruling of 1994, stated that the separation of powers cannot be regarded as a separation in the case of the relationship between the legislative and executive powers. This is different for the relationship between the judiciary and other authorities (legislative and executive). Here the separation is obligatory . The concept of the essence of individual powers assumes that there exists a sort of competence core of legislative, executive and judiciary powers. The core cannot be entered by the other powers, because it would mean violating the principle of separation of powers. It is true that acts may transfer specific powers between the powers, but the intrusion into the field belonging to another power cannot be too deep, because such a legal normalization would violate the constitutional principle of the separation of powers. The principle of separation and balance of powers involves a system of checks and balances or a system of mutual restraint and balancing of powers. L. Garlicki writes that there are two basic models of the relationship between the legislative and the executive: the parliamentary one (parliamentary-cabinet) and the presidential one. The Constitution of Poland of 1997 preserved the parliamentary system of government in Poland. Art 10 Section 1 of the Constitution of Poland of 1997 provides for the mutual balance of relations between the legislative and executive powers, subsequent provisions of the constitution give a far stronger position to the parliament, and within it - to the Sejm. This corresponds to the Polish tradition. L. Garlicki talks of the specificity of the current Polish model.
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Badania Polskiego Dyskursu Publicznego II RP, PRL i III RP Przegląd Zagadnień / The Research To Date On Public Discourse In Poland

51%
Podemski K.
Kultura i Społeczeństwo
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2013
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vol. 57
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issue 2
27-66
EN
This article is an attempt to reconstruct the most important research topics regarding public discourse in Poland from 1918 to the present. It shows the domination of discourse about domestic problems (the ‘internal’ discourse) over the discourse about European, foreign, or world problems (the ‘external’ discourse). On the basis of an analysis of the most important research, beginning at the end of the 1960s, the author discusses the specificities of the public discourse in Poland in each of three historical periods (the Second Republic, the People’s Republic of Poland, and the Third Republic). Research into the language of politics or social communication (the description ’discourse’ appears only after 1989) has been undertaken primarily by literary critics, philologists, and sociologists, but also by historians, political scientists, media experts, and persons engaged in culture studies. The most popular forms of empirical analyses of the public discourse in Poland are analyses of content, rhetoric, or semiotics. In recent years, works have increasingly often appeared referring to narrative, conversational, framework, or cognitive linguistic analyses.
11
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Równouprawnienie związków wyznaniowych jako jedna z naczelnych zasad relacji Państwo-Kościół w Polsce i gwarant świeckiego charakteru III Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej

51%
Krzysztofek-Strzała K.
Studia z Prawa Wyznaniowego
|
2020
|
vol. 23
539-546
EN
The subject of the review is the publication of Aneta Maria Abramowicz regarding the very important constitutional principle of equal rights of churches and other religious organizations in the Polish system of law on religion after 1989. The monograph presents an extensive analysis of the legal provisions on both the regulation of the legal position and the activity of churches and other religious organizations, focusing especially on their compliance with the principle mentioned above. The book includes a comprehensive introduction that shows the historical development of the principle of equality as well as a discussion of the principle at hand in the context of religious freedom in the individual and institutional dimensions. The reviewed work is the first monograph that devotes full attention to the principle of equal rights of churches and other religious organizations in Poland and is a valuable complement to the achievements of the study of Polish law on religion.
PL
Przedmiotem recenzji jest publikacja Anety Marii Abramowicz dotycząca niezwykle ważnej w polskim systemie prawa wyznaniowego po 1989 r. konstytucyjnej zasady równouprawnienia kościołów i innych związków wyznaniowych. Autorka zaprezentowała w monografii szeroką analizę przepisów prawnych odnoszących się zarówno do regulacji położenia prawnego, jak i działalności kościołów i innych związków wyznaniowych pod kątem ich zgodności ze wspomnianą zasadą. Książka została opatrzona obszernym wstępem ukazującym historyczny rozwój zasady równości oraz omówieniem jej w kontekście wolności religijnej w aspekcie indywidualnym i instytucjonalnym. Recenzowana praca jest pierwszą, która w tak szerokim zakresie poświęca w całości uwagę zasadzie równouprawnienia kościołów i innych związków wyznaniowych w Polsce, i stanowi cenne uzupełnienie dotychczasowego dorobku nauki polskiego prawa wyznaniowego.
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Biała Podlaska w drodze życiowej Józefa Oleksego. Przyczynek do biografii

38%
Nikoniuk M.
Wschodni Rocznik Humanistyczny
|
2020
|
vol. XVII (2020)
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issue 4: Nauki o polityce i historia administracji
265-281
PL
Józef Oleksy był postacią nietuzinkową: ukształtowany w konserwatywnej, kato-lickiej atmosferze domu rodzinnego i szkoły student prestiżowej PRL-owskiej uczelni, komunistyczny aparatczyk, wreszcie prominentny polityk socjaldemokra-tyczny po 1989 r. piastujący najwyższe państwowe funkcje. Z wielu źródeł może-my dowiedzieć się ciekawych informacji na temat jego życia oraz życia jego rodzi-ny. Oleksy za młodu spędził tylko kilka lat w swoim ukochanym mieście Nowym Sączu a potem wyjechał do Małego Seminarium Duchownego w Tarnowie. Szy-kowana była dla niego przyszłość księdza, choć los zadecydował inaczej. Skończył studia na warszawskiej uczelni a w 1977 roku obronił doktorat. Po ukończonych studiach wstąpił do PZPR i tak rozpoczęła się jego droga w szeregach partii. W latach 1987-1989 pełnił funkcję I Sekretarza w Białej Podlaskiej. Artykuł jest próbą przedstawienia mało znanego dwuletniego epizodu życia Józefa Oleksego w Bia-łej Podlaskiej i odpowiedzi na pytanie jakie miał on znaczenie dla niego samego oraz dla regionu bialskopodlaskiego.
EN
Jozef Oleksy was an extraordinary figure: a student of the prestigious PRL univer-sity formed in the conservative, Catholic atmosphere of the family home and school, a communist apparatchik, and finally a prominent social democratic politi-cian who held the highest state functions after 1989. Oleksy in his youth spent only a few years in his beloved city of Nowy Sącz and then he went to the Small Theo-logical Seminary in Tarnow. The priest's future was being prepared for him, alt-hough fate decided otherwise. He graduated from the Warsaw university and in 1977 he defended his doctorate. After completing his studies, he joined the Polish United Workers' Party and that was how his path began in the ranks of the party. In 1987-1989 he was the first secretary in Biała Podlaska. The article is an attempt to present the little-known two-year episode of the life of Józef Oleksy in Biała Pod-laska and answer the question how important it was for himself and for the Biała Podlaska region.
RU
Юзеф Олексы был выдающейся фигурой: студент престижного университе-та, сформированный в консервативной католической атмосфере его семей-ного дома и школы, коммунистический аппаратчик и, наконец, видный со-циал-демократический политик, занимавший высшие государственные должности после 1989 года. Мы можем узнать интересную информацию о его жизни и жизни его семьи из многих источников. В юности Олексы про-вел всего несколько лет в своем любимом городе Новы-Сонч, а затем пошел в Малую Духовную Семинарию в Тарнове. Его ожидало будущее священника, хотя судьба распорядилась иначе. Он окончил Варшавский университет и в 1977 году защитил докторскую диссертацию. После завершения учебы он вступил в Польскую объединенную рабочую партию и таким образом начал свой путь в партийных рядах. В 1987-1989 гг. был первым секретарем в г. Бяла-Подляска. Статья представляет собой попытку представить малоиз-вестный двухлетний эпизод из жизни Юзефа Олексы в г. Бяла-Подляска и ответить на вопрос, что он значил для него самого и для Белостокского рай-она.
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